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EN
The Gidar of northern Cameroon make a distinction between a good death and a bad one. As a rule, the death of a person of advanced years, who has children, who is prepared to pass on, is counted as a good death. Along with natural death, the death of a warrior is also counted as a good death. A bad death does not fulfill these conditions. There are three basic stages in funeral rites: burial preparations, the burial itself, and what is known as the second burial, or, day of mourning, usually designated from one month to a year after the actual burial. Funeral rites are a condition for entering the world of ancestors – the Gidar teda. These rites clearly show a spiritual vision of life. The Gidar see man as a being composed of material and spiritual elements, but treated as a single totality. Thanks to the funeral rites and to the purification rites following them, the deceased ceases to be a trememdum, as a taboo, and becomes an admirandum, as an ancestor. This is expressed by the installation of the deceased as an ancestor. The transition of the deceased to the world of ancestors does not separate him from his earthly family because he is continually present in their life. There are some points of contact between Gidar funeral rites and the traditional Christian approach. These encourage significant innovations in Church funeral rites.
PL
Gidar z północnego Kamerunu wyróżniają śmierć dobrą od złej. Do śmierci dobrej zaliczają z reguły śmierć człowieka w podeszłym wieku, mającego dzieci, przygotowanego do odejścia. Do śmierci naturalnej zaliczyć też można śmierć wojownika. Zła śmierć nie spełnia tych warunków. W obrzędach pogrzebowych można wyróżnić trzy zasadnicze etapy: przygotowanie do pochówku, pochówek właściwy oraz tzw. pochówek wtórny, czy też dzień żałoby, wyznaczany zwykle od miesiąca do roku po pochówku właściwym. Obrzędy pogrzebowe są warunkiem wejścia do świata przodków – gidarskie teda. Obrzędy te wskazują wyraźnie na duchową wizję życia. Gidar postrzegają człowieka jako istotę złożoną z pierwiastka materialnego i duchowego, chociaż traktowana jest ona jako jedna całość. Dzięki obrzędom pogrzebowym i następującym po nich obrzędom purifikacyjnym zmarły przestaje być tremendum jako tabu, a staje się admirandum – jako przodek. Wyraża to instalacja zmarłego jako przodka. Przejście zmarłego do świata przodków nie separuje go od jego ziemskiej rodziny, ponieważ jest on stale obecny w jej życiu. W gidarskich obrzędach pogrzebowych istnieją jednak pewne punkty styczne z tradycyjnym ujęciem chrześcijańskim. Zachęcają one do znacznych innowacji w kościelnych obrzędach pogrzebowych.
EN
Christian missions in Cameroon were quite closely related to European colonization. It came with noble slogans of bringing civilization and freedom. But it had primarily economic and political goals. Although missionary activity was born from other motives, it was nolens volens entangled in the politics of the colonial states. The Cameroonian coast nominally belonged for centuries to Portugal. At the end of the 18th century the missionary activity in Africa had almost completely disappeared. The beginnings of the mission in Cameroon were entangled in the intricate politics of England, Germany, and France in particular. Without this political dimension it is impossible to fully understand the contemporaneity of the various Christian denominations in Cameroon.
EN
After the unification of Anglophone and Francophone regions of Cameroon in 1961, English-speaking Cameroonians have accused the central authorities in Yaoundé of marginalizing this part of the country. In 2016, expressions of discontent in this part of Cameroon gained momentum, and on October 1, 2017, the most extreme factions declared the independence of Cameroon’s two Anglophone regions and the birth of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia. This contributed to escalating tensions in the two English-speaking regions and led to strikes and bloody fighting. The central government and the separatists have taken irreconcilable positions. According to estimates, at least 4,000 people have died in the conflict and more than one million have been internally displaced. Most of the internally displaced are women and children. The Catholic Church has taken on the difficult task of finding ways of reconciling the hostile sides. The Church’s action is significant. The Church is one of the most influential non-governmental institutions throughout the country, including in English-speaking regions.
EN
The article shows accidentalness in construction of the borders in the Republic of Chad. On close examination to mark out the ground no one respects neither local tradition nor the cultural differences.Origin of the strong centralized country (French example) was not based of changing the mentality of understanding "our land" or "our territory" as over tribal an exclusive proprietary. At the same time there were not any trials neither to fall into line between the tribes over the land ownership nor to understanding with the preferred model of private ownership or country ownership. There is misunderstanding and conflict between the local long time honoured laws - customs - regarding ownership of lands and the law of the state. The conflict on the law of land is not the only one. We ought to count also differences based on different cultural, religious groups and their profession (shepherd and farmer) and their migration on impact of armed conflicts. The large part of the conflicts regarding the land ownerships might be resolved on the bases of the existing tribal rights as well as the state law.
PL
Cechę charakterystyczną obrzędów małżeńskich stanowiła ich wieloetapowość. Nie były one jednorazowym aktem, lecz wydarzeniem przygotowywanym i celebrowanym dłużej przez odpowiednie gesty, symbole, słowa, wydarzenia. Na poszczególne, następujące po sobie etapy „wzięcia żony” składają się: wybór współmałżonka, zaakceptowany przez obydwa rody, próba narzeczonych, akt uznania przez obydwie grupy złączenia młodych w jedno małżeństwo, przeniesienie się narzeczonej do domu męża, świętowanie, uiszczenie opłaty matrymonialnej. Kościół w północnym Kamerunie uznawał małżeństwo tradycyjne, zawarte przed chrztem, za ważne i godne, jeśli zostały uwzględnione miejscowe zasady związane np. z uregulowaniem opłaty matrymonialnej. Jeśli któraś strona przyjmowała chrzest, małżeństwo stawało się dla niej sakramentalne. Jeśli także druga strona podjęła później taką samą decyzję, ich związek nabierał charakteru sakramentalnego, bez ponawiania przysięgi małżeńskiej. Kontrowersje pojawiały się jednak przy próbach zawarcia związku tradycyjnego przez jedną stronę ochrzczoną lub też przez obydwie strony ochrzczone. Dotyczyły one głównie jedności, nierozerwalności oraz sakramentalności małżeństwa.
EN
In Cameroon we are dealing with three types of marriage: traditional, universally practiced marriage; civil marriage, required by state law before entering into a religious marriage; and, finally, sacramental marriage. Most widespread is the traditional form of contracting marriage. This article will present this particular form, referring to Gidar traditions and also showing its similarities to, and differences from, the Christian tradition brought by the missionaries. It will also propose solutions which combine the two traditions. A characteristic feature of marriage rites was their multi-stage nature. They were not single acts but events long prepared and celebrated with suitable gestures, symbols, words, and events. The individual, successive stages of “taking a wife” consisted of the choice of a spouse, accepted by both families; an engagement period; an act by both families of acknowledgement of the joining of the young persons as one in marriage; the conveying of the bride to her husband’s home; celebrating; and paying the matrimonial fee. The Church in northern Cameroon recognized traditional marriages contracted outside of baptism as valid and licit, provided that local principles, e.g., payment of a marriage fee, were taken into account. If either of the parties accepted baptism, the marriage became for him or her sacramental. If the other party also made the same decision later on, their union took on a sacramental character, without a need to renew the marriage vows. Controversy would however arise if attempts were made to contract a traditional marriage if one party was [already] baptized, or if both parties were baptized. These controversies mainly concerned the unity, indissolubility, and sacramentality of marriage.
EN
The Catholic Church in Chad is a young community, including about 8% of the population. However from the beginning of missionary activity it has had a large input into help with development and defence of human rights. Help in development is concentrated on agriculture, since the majority of the population relies on agriculture. From 1964 missionaries have created many centres for professional training of farmers, mainly in the south of the country. A large role in the development of the countryside has been played by on the spot meetings, courses and training. One of the important elements of training has always been management and use of money. In every diocese in Chad there are diocesan health committees. The work of the church in this area includes running of hospitals, clinics and also training on a large scale (e.g. hygiene, building of latrines, access to drinking water, variation of diet, cleanliness in the home and immunisation programmes for children and adults). In some missionary centres efforts have been made to take advantage of achievements in traditional medicine. Emphasis has been also put on AIDS prevention and healing the sick. Beginning with local initiatives of help with development, covering various aspects of economic life, these have, with time, developed diocesan structures, countrywide and even linking into international organisations. Currently the work in Chad is overseen by the National Union of Diocesan Associations for Aid and Development (Union Nationale des Associations Diocesaines de Secours et de Developpement - UNAD). A particularly varied and rich activity is being lead by the Chad organisation for Catholic Aid and Development (SECADEV). It was created in 1980 in the diocese of Ndjamena to help refugees. The organisation employs 200 people and co-operates with 1000 village organisations. The Bishops in Chad often took part in issues relating to the war and lack of democracy and also tribalism and corruption. The views of the episcopate, expressed in pastoral letters, were also demonstrated in actual activities at national level and in individual regions or missions, mainly thanks to local and countrywide committees Iustitia et Pax. These committees also cooperated on issues associated with human rights with other local and international organisations.
EN
At the outset the author shows the geographical and cultural background the country. Then he describes its creation and the most significant events of the independent state. In the presentation the author emphasizes that there are many opposing views on causes and the course of the civil strife in Chad from the first years of its independence. He summarises the most common explanations and points out that they are often based on stereotypes and subjective selected facts from the History of the country. He states that in these explanations there is much truth but they have to be taken into account in their totality and not on a selective basis. The author emphasizes the role played by France in creating colonial and independent Chad and continues to be involved by many armed interventions. He points to the changeable politics of Sudan and Libya towards the republic of Chad and also to the financial and other involvement of the USA and even Israel. He also discusses the role of „social class" and „professional classes" in the conflict, the role of Marxist ideology, cultural role of traditional communities and their segmentation. He underlines that these last ones from their nature have a limited role in the creation of state structures in the European sense. He explains many complicated interpersonal relations in the internal politics of Chad. Finally he puts the question as to whether this state is capable of existing and shows admiration for the many small local structures which allows the local people to survive.
EN
Kirdi - acephalic peoples of north Cameroon, joined together in the history, mainly by contacts and fights with the large state organisms, based on the Islam. Their main characteristic feature was acephalic social structure based on the blood relationship. To those structures there was linked the whole system of law, social life, economy, religion and morality. Crucial period in the history of Kirdi people was time of pressure of the Islam from the northern Cameroon through Fulbhe (Fula, Fulani). The permanent danger from the Fulbhe people created two strategies among those Kirdi, which didn't surrender to their total dominance. One strategy was to withdraw to more inaccessible lands and the second was the attempts of organizing the military resistance in political unities - chief commands formed at the resemblance of the Fulbhe structures. Also those groups which chose to escape to inaccessible lands (mountains, bogs) changed their organizational structure moving the accent from the importance of blood ties to territorial bonds. Introduction by the colonial and postcolonial state of the institution of "traditional leader" weakened even more traditional Kirdi structures, giving advantage to feudal Fulbhe structures. A tendency of weakening this traditional structures of Kirdi people is deepening also in our times through introduction of the new cultivations, by using money, through the phenomenon of the urbanization and by the system of education. Traditional bonds of acephalic communities based on the self-sufficiency and family life have problems in new reality, since they also do not have a basis in traditional religious structures which are undergoing severe crisis. Communities which developed system of the chief command do better. It is more adapted to new administrative reality.
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EN
Polish oblates began evangelization in Madagascar in 1980. In the first few years of their work they took on some of the missions in the diocese of Toamasina (Tamatave), situated on the east coast of the island, populated by the Betsimisaraka tribe. The oblates oversaw Marolambo, Ambinanindrano, Mahanoro, Masomeloka, Marotsiryry missions and the parish in Toamasina which was served before by the missionaries from France. After ten years of their missionary work there they began to open new missions in other parts of the island: in Tsaratanana, in the capital city Antananarivo and in Fianarantsoa. The Polish oblates from the very beginning were looking for lay coworkers (associates) who will have the spirit of sacrifice, deep inner convictions and willingness to proclaim those truths that became part of their own life. The closest coworkers were lay catechists trained in a few catechetical centres directed by the Polish oblates. The main focus of their missionary work was: small communities (Comunidades de Base ), different catholic gro¬ups, health centres and variety of charitable services. In a very special way they always took care of the Sacramental life of their communities and from the beginning their focus was to promote vocations to the religious and priestly life. In the years 1980-2005, all together 34 Polish oblates worked in Madagascar. Now Polish delegation of the oblates has 60 members: 21 Poles (19 fathers and 2 brothers), 39 Malagasy (8 fathers, 20 scholastics, 2 brothers and novices).
Roczniki Teologiczne
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2020
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vol. 67
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issue 9
111-125
EN
The birth ceremonies of the Gidar (northern Cameroon) – like those of other peoples – constitute one of the first elements of integration within the ethnic community. This article presents, first, a schema of birth ceremonies of the Gidar; next, the values they contain, among others family values, familial solidarity, solidarity with the territorial community, respect for life, and the spiritual vision of life. It also points out the references in these rites to God (Maɳgɘlva) as Creator and Giver of Life. Lastly, it shows the value of these rites for the Catholic community, which is increasingly taking root in the local culture and presenting opportunities for inculturation of the Gospel.
PL
Obrzędy narodzinowe u Gidarów (Północny Kamerun) – podobnie jak i innych ludów – stanowiły jeden z pierwszych czynników integrujących wspólnotę etniczną. Artykuł przedstawia najpierw schemat obrzędów narodzinowych u Gidarów, a następnie prezentuje zawarte w nich wartości, m.in. wartość rodziny i solidarności rodowej, solidarność ze wspólnotą terytorialną, szacunek dla życia, duchową wizję życia. Wskazuje także na odniesienie w tych obrzędach do Boga (Maɳgɘlva) jako Stwórcy i Dawcy życia. Na koniec wskazuje na wartości tych obrzędów dla wspólnoty Kościoła katolickiego, który zakorzenia się coraz bardziej w miejscowej kulturze i przedstawia możliwości inkulturacji Ewangelii.
EN
The earliest inroads of Islam on the northern edges of today's Cameroon came from northern Africa. They led all the way from Arabian Egypt and Libya still in the times of the Berbers. Early islamification yielded Moslem states, created mainly in the area of Lake Chad. This first onset was connected primarily with acquiring slaves and new subjects. The next inroad of Islamic infiltration came from Fulani infiltration of territory in northern Cameroon, beginning in the 17th and 18th centuries. In the 19th century the Fulani conquered northern Cameroon, although numerous enclaves of the Kirdi peoples evaded their authority. The Fulani achieved much greater mastery over the Kirdi during the time of French and German rule. They took advantage of their dominant political position and of their cooperation with the colonizers. In this way they brought about the greater islamification of these lands, but they did not win the majority of the population to their religion. In the mid-20th century Catholic and also Protestant missionary activity began a robust development in Kirdi territory. Their activity was restrained by the Fulani leaders. Additionally, favoritism of the Fulani and Islam in northern Cameroon continued after Cameroon gained independence in 1982. The intense rivalry began, however, to give place to a more peaceful coexistence, and even cooperation in many areas of social life. The time had arrived for a difficult dialogue, a dialogue which continually struggles with the past, with prejudice, and with a lack of understanding among many religious and political leaders.
PL
Najstarsza droga naporu islamu na krańce północne dzisiejszego Kamerunu prowadziła z północny Afryki. Wczesnej islamizacji uległy państwa muzułmańskie, tworzone głównie w okolicach jeziora Czad. Druga droga rozprzestrzeniania się islamu związana była z przenikaniem Fulbe na tereny północnego Kamerunu. W XIX w. Fulbe podbili północny Kamerun, jednak ich władzy umykały liczne enklawy ludów Kirdi. Fulbe uzyskali o wiele większą dominację nad Kirdi w czasach panowania Niemców i Francuzów. Wykorzystali swoją dominującą pozycję polityczną i fakt współpracy z kolonizatorami. Doprowadzili w ten sposób do większej islamizacji tych ziem, ale nie zdobyli większości populacji dla swej religii. W połowie XX w. na terenach Kirdi zaczęły rozwijać prężnie swoją działalność misje katolickie, a także protestanckie. Ich działalność była powstrzymywana przez władców Fulbe. Także po uzyskaniu przez Kamerun niepodległości (do 1982 r.) trwało faworyzowanie Fulbe i islamu w północnym Kamerunie. Ta ostra rywalizacja zaczęła jednak ustępować bardziej pokojowemu współżyciu, a nawet współpracy w wielu dziedzinach życia społecznego. Nastąpił czas trudnego dialogu, który wciąż boryka się z przeszłością, uprzedzeniami i niezrozumieniem wśród wielu przywódców religijnych i politycznych.
EN
The research topic of the reviewed monograph is the phenomenon of holiness as a path to true human freedom in the context of the new challenges confronting the modern Christian.  The life and death of the seminarian Alphonse Mańka OMI, a martyr of World War II, is examined in particular. The authors of the monograph attempt to address the question of what factors (methods of upbringing) impact the formation of a mature attitude of faith, capable of overcoming the suffering caused by persecution. A multifaceted, interdisciplinary educational paradigm is required at Polish seminaries for this goal.  In order for it to be implemented, it is vital to develop an environment in the family home for the maturation of a priestly or religious vocation. It is also important to show this path of life in its broader context, which includes religious persecution.
PL
Przedmiotem badawczym recenzowanej monografii jest fenomen świętości jako droga do prawdziwej wolności człowieka w optyce nowych wyzwań rysujących się przed współczesnym chrześcijaninem.  W sposób szczególny rozpatrywany jest przypadek życia i śmierci kleryka Alfonsa Mańki OMI, męczennika II wojny światowej. Autorzy monografii próbują znaleźć odpowiedź jakie czynniki (metody wychowania) mają wpływ na ukształtowanie się dojrzałej postawy wiary, zdolnej przezwyciężyć cierpienie spowodowane prześladowaniem. W tym celu potrzeba wielowymiarowego, interdyscyplinarnego modelu wychowania w seminariach duchownych w Polsce.  Do jego wdrażania potrzebne jest stworzenie klimatu dojrzewania powołania kapłańskiego czy też zakonnego w domu rodzinnym. Ważne jest także ukazanie tej drogi życia w jej szerokim kontekście, w tym w kontekście prześladowań religijnych.
EN
In northern Nigeria in the 19th century, the Fulbe cleverly exploited Islam as a motivating and justifying factor in their war against the local Muslim rulers. In this way, they managed to establish a regional power – the caliphate (sultanate) of Sokoto, which for a long period dominated the feudal structures of the Fulani in northern Cameroon. Britain and then Germany aided in the downfall of the power and unity of the Sokoto caliphate. However, neither Germany nor later on France succeeded in eradicating Fulbe dominance over other peoples (Kirdi) in northern Cameroon. This was facilitated by the adoption of an indirect system of government. No change was brought about during Cameroon's years of independence. The Fulbe retained control of the state administration and beyond. Their influence, however, was challenged at the turn of the 20th century by new radical Muslim groups. These new Muslim groups embraced some of the ideas and practices that the Fulbe had previously used as weapons against them.
PL
W XIX wieku w północnej Nigerii Fulbe umiejętnie wykorzystywali islam jako siłę motywującą i usprawiedliwiającą walkę z lokalnymi muzułmańskimi władcami. W ten sposób udało im się ustanowić regionalną potęgę - kalifat (sułtanat) Sokoto, który na długi czas podporządkował sobie feudalne struktury Fulanów w północnym Kamerunie. Do upadku potęgi i jedności kalifatu Sokoto przyczyniła się Wielka Brytania, a następnie Niemcy. Jednak w północnym Kamerunie ani Niemcom, ani później Francji nie udało się wyeliminować dominacji Fulbe nad innymi ludami (Kirdi). Przyczynił się do tego przyjęty pośredni system rządów. Nie zmieniło się to w latach niepodległości Kamerunu. Fulbe nadal pozostawali u władzy w administracji państwowej i poza nią. Jednak na przełomie XIX i XX wieku ich władza została zakwestionowana przez nowe radykalne grupy muzułmańskie. Te nowe grupy muzułmańskie de facto odwoływały się do niektórych idei i praktyk, których Fulbe używali wcześniej jako własnej broni.
EN
The authors of the reviewed journal reflect on religious freedom as a specific aspect of freedom from the research perspectives of the various humanities disciplines and social sciences. The first issue of the reviewed journal demonstrates this diversity in form and content, as well as in the methods and scientific experience of the individual authors. Despite these differences in the scientific insight of the presented researchers, the editors of the journal decided to publish them on the assumption that, while the authors’ interests and methodological approaches differ, they are united above all by a much-needed diverse perspective on the problem of religious freedom. This vast scope of investigation, both workshop and cultural (as well as geographical) is critical here, since it imposes the multidisciplinary nature of the research, its holistic character and, to some measure, methodological cosmopolitanism, sooner or later. The titles of articles in the first volume suggest the relevance of the research included inside it, offering a fairly representative overview of the current interests of Polish scholars.
PL
Autorzy recenzowanego czasopisma podejmują refleksję na temat wolności religijnej jako szczególnego aspektu wolności z perspektyw badawczych poszczególnych nauk humanistycznych i społecznych. To zróżnicowanie form i treści, a także metod i naukowego doświadczenia poszczególnych autorów widoczne jest w pierwszym numerze recenzowanego czasopisma. Pomimo tych różnic w naukowej wnikliwości prezentowanych badaczy redaktorzy czasopisma postanowili je opublikować, wychodząc z założenia, że chociaż autorów różnią zainteresowania i podejście metodologiczne, to jednak łączy ich przede wszystkim tak potrzebne różnorodne spojrzenie na problem wolności religijnej. To szerokie pole badawcze, tak warsztatowe, jak i kulturowe (oraz geograficzne) ma tutaj fundamentalne znaczenie, gdyż wymusza wcześniej czy później interdyscyplinarny charakter badań, holistyczny ich charakter i w pewnej mierze metodologiczny kosmopolityzm. Tytuły pierwszego tomu wskazują na aktualność zawartych w nim badań, stanowiąc dość reprezentatywny przegląd aktualnych zainteresowań polskich badaczy.
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EN
The term “lay missionary” is a modern term, which is associated with the tradition of the Church in Europe. In Africa, its equivalent term can be “catechist”. The purpose of the article is therefore to highlight the need to develop a differentiated terminology for this specific group of lay preachers of the Gospel, depending on the local Church, and to show the way in which Cameroonian catechists are involved in evangelising the local population. Its origins can be traced back to the first centuries, as evidenced by the examples of lay men and women involved in proclaiming the Gospel. At the root of the vocation of the laity involved in the proclamation of the Gospel is a specific call of the Holy Spirit, a special charism recognised over time by the Church and confirmed by a special mission. This involvement of the laity in the work of evangelisation is linked to their specialised preparation for this ministry, the definition of their basic tasks, the spirituality of lay missionaries. It is also linked to the economic dimension of their activity. All these elements contribute to the differentiation of the same ministry in the different local churches.
PL
Termin „misjonarz świecki” jest terminem współczesnym, związanym z tradycją Kościoła w Europie. W Afryce jego odpowiednikiem może być z pewnością „katechista”. Celem artykułu jest więc podkreślenie potrzeby wypracowywania dla tej specyficznej grupy świeckich głosicieli Ewangelii zróżnicowanej terminologii, w zależności od Kościoła lokalnego, oraz ukazanie sposobu zaangażowania kameruńskich katechistów w ewangelizację miejscowej ludności. Jej początki sięgają pierwszych wieków, o czym mówią przykłady zaangażowanych w głoszenie Ewangelii świeckich – mężczyzn i kobiet. U źródeł powołania świeckich zaangażowanych w głoszenie Ewangelii znajduje się specyficzne wezwanie Ducha Świętego, specjalny charyzmat uznany z czasem przez Kościół i potwierdzony przez specjalne posłanie. To zaangażowanie świeckich w dzieło ewangelizacji łączy się z ich specjalistycznym przygotowaniem do tej posługi, określeniem ich podstawowych zadań, duchowością misjonarzy świeckich. Związane jest ono również z wymiarem ekonomicznym ich działalności. Te wszystkie elementy wpływają na zróżnicowanie tej samej posługi w poszczególnych Kościołach lokalnych.
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