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Classics have another quality too (...) they do not need to be true – o rewizjonizmie Williama Doyle’a

100%
Dworniczak D.
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
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2018
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vol. 7
179-194
EN
The aim of the paper is to present up-to-date critics of the model of the causes of the French Revolution present in the orthodox (Marxist) school’s syntheses (regarding prominent historians, such as: A. Mathiez, G. Lefebvre and A. Soboul). The paper discusses the role of the noblesse, bourgeoisie in relation with the role of the public opinion before the French Revolution. It also indicates some internal inconsistencies of the described critics. The work is based mainly on the syntheses and papers delivered by William Doyle.
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The Thermidorian Reaction and the Fate of Jacobins

88%
Michael D.
Littera Scripta
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2018
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issue 2
116-126
EN
The article will focus on existence of the Jacobins and their influencein France after 28th July 1794, including the fate of their supporters, ex-Terrorists, sans-culottes and Jacobin clubs. It will mainly focus on two aspects: excluding the Jacobins from political and social life in Thermidorian France (July 1794 – October 1795). The text will successively discuss the Conventional purges, removal of sans-culottes from provincial political arenas and their social isolation, issues with poor distributing of rations and consequent uprisings, dissolving of the Jacobin clubs across the country, mass releasing of alleged suspects and at the same time imprisoning political enemies, subsequent prison massacres, installing new supporters of the regime and overall institutional changes in new, cleansed France.
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La révolution française dans les dictionnaires ou les dictionnaires en révolution

88%
Wysłobocki T.
Romanica Wratislaviensia
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2016
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vol. 63
129-142
EN
When the French Revolution begins, nobody seems to be prepared for such a political and social rupture. Language first tries to adapt to the changing conditions — new words appear, which is a necessity of the moment, to reflect new realities as well as to build a national community based on the same new values and symbols. At the beginning these words remain largely unknown or do not understand exactly what all the politicians debate about. Some old terms also change their conventional signification. A number of dictionaries are edited then to explain those new words to the people, as the revolutionary authorities soon realize that this must become a priority. These reerence books show nevertheless a subjective vision of the Revolution. The aim of this article is to recount the narration of those dictionaries in, of course, a very limited perspective.
4
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Henriette Campan (1797–1824) : de l’histoire d’un texte au sens d’une vie

75%
Haroche-Bouzinac G.
Orbis Linguarum
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2018
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issue 50
211–223
EN
Henriette Campan (1797–1824) : from the history of a text to the meaning of a life The history of the autobiographical writings of Henriette Campan, chambermaid of Marie Antoinette and a famous educatress of the First French Empire, reflect the history of her life, which was marked by a double historical rupture. After her death, her editors – disrespectful of the last will of the defunct – transformed the documents left to them to inscribe those into a perspective of the Memories on the French Revolution they were working on. Hence, by giving a fake unity to a life placed under the sign of multiple fractures, they did not hesitate to spoil the spirit of the work of the writer.
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Reformy organizacji Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego we Francji w latach 1789-1791

75%
Konarski M.
Kościół i Prawo
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2019
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issue 8 (21) nr 1
249-270
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszej analizy jest proces reform w zakresie organizacji Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego we Francji, jakie przeprowadzono w pierwszym okresie Rewolucji, kiedy to Zgromadzenie Narodowe podjęło się próby etatyzacji Kościoła. W okresie tym nie występują jeszcze oznaki jawnej dechrystianizacji i ateizacji. Reformy parlamentarne dotyczą spraw organizacyjnych, majątkowych i osobowych Kościoła, których zwieńczeniem było uchwalenie konstytucji cywilnej duchowieństwa w dniu 12 lipca 1790 r., co pociągnęło jednakże za sobą wzrost niezadowolenia duchowieństwa, które popierało do tego czasu dotychczasowe przemiany, oraz doprowadziło do rozłamu i podziału wewnątrz łona organizacji kościelnej. Ustawodawstwo w sprawach kościelnych spotkało się z potępieniem ze strony papieża Piusa VI i spowodowało wzrost nastrojów antyrewolucyjnych szczególnie na prowincji. W trakcie analizy autor nieraz korzysta dla celów poznawczych z metody porównawczej, przywołując rozwiązania w zakresie stosunków wyznaniowych wprowadzone w kolejnych latach Rewolucji i rządów Napoleona, które modyfikowały omówione rozwiązania będące właściwym przedmiotem badań.
EN
The article examines the process of reforms in the organisation of the Roman Catholic Church in France, which were implemented during the first period of the Revolution, when the National Assembly made an attempt at introducing state control (étatisation) of the Church. At this time, no signs of overt dechristianisation and atheisation could be seen. The parliamentary reforms affected the organisational, property, and personal affairs of the Church, and culminated in the adoption of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy on 12 July 1790. However, this increased the dissatisfaction of the clergy, who hereto had supported the transformations, and caused a rift within the Church. The legislation on ecclesiastical matters was condemned by Pope Pius VI and caused an increase in anti-revolutionary sentiments, especially locally. The author makes a frequent use of the comparative method for reference only, invoking the solutions used in the area of religious relations in the subsequent years of the Revolution and Napoleon’s rule. These solutions modified the ones discussed in detail in the article.
6
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Le calendrier révolutionnaire de 1793 ou les quatre saisons de la République

75%
Matyaszewski P.
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
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2021
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vol. 48
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issue 1
45-53
EN
The authors of the revolutionary calendar, in particular Gilbert Romme and Fabre d’Églantine not only want to put the past behind by implicating a new time and new order but also try to prove the relation between history and nature using the example of the events of the Revolution and their compliance with the laws of the universe. They introduce an innovative nomenclature in order to specify the names of particular days and months but they do not change the natural four-season model of division. The goal of the presented idea is to enrich the natural cycle with a new content expressing the spirit and the objectives of the Republic while following the laws of nature.
7
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Temps et Révolution. De l’Almanach des Honnêtes Gens (1788) au Calendrier des Républicains (1793) de Sylvain Maréchal

75%
Matyaszewski P.
Academic Journal of Modern Philology
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2022
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vol. Special Issue
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issue 17
109-118
EN
The aim of this paper is to show the evolution of the ideas of the French Enlightenment author, Sylvain Maréchal. In 1788, he writes an almost revolutionary work, The Honest Man’s Almanac, in which he breaks with the Christian axiology of time, and thus with the Gregorian calendar. He proposes a new system of measuring time, and replaces the names of saints and patrons of the Catholic Church with those of philosophers, artists, writers and politicians who deserve eternal memory of their posterity. In 1793, during the French Revolution, he creates another piece, The Calendar of Republicans. Retaining the main idea of his work of five years earlier, the author this time proposes a republican calendar, created under the influence of the revolutionary events in France. He fundamentally changes the list of the ‘new saints’, taking as his criterion their dedication and sometimes even the sacrifice of their lives to the idea of the republic in the history of humanity. He thus anticipates the cult of the ‘martyrs’ of the republican cause, which will develop in the revolutionary France in 1793.
8
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Rewolucja francuska a dwudziestowieczna historiografia pojęć politycznych

75%
Ciunajcis D.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2011
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issue 4
91-103
PL
The article is an attempt to show the temporal and the linguistic aspect of any historical event. The author relies chiefly on the achievements of German humanist sciences and the example of the French Revolution. The major aim of the publication is to capture the singularity of modernising transformations in the domain of political life.
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Thomas Paine or the Defender of the World Revolution

75%
Borodáčová J.
West Bohemian Historical Review
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2014
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vol. 4
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issue 2
29-58
EN
Thomas Paine was a typical professional revolutionist. He actively participated in both the American and the French Revolutions and his contributions were mainly in literary activities. By his most important works, the Common Sense and the Rights of Man, Paine significantly influenced public opinion on both continents. In both works he defended the Republican Establishment and denounced the Hereditary Monarchy. He believed, like many of his contemporaries, that neither the American Revolution nor the French Revolution were the last. Paine hoped for a series of revolutions that would destroy the European Monarchies in favour of establishing a Republican System across the whole of Europe. According to Paine only a Republican form of government could ensure a universal peace and understanding between the nations. An ideal constitutional Republican System represented for Paine just a period of so-called Girondin Convention. On the contrary, the Jacobin terror destroyed all Paine’s ideals and any hope of a universal revolution. Despite the fact that Thomas Paine was imprisoned during the revolutionary terror he remained a loyal Republican and these views he advocated until his death.
10
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Polityczność metodologii a polityczność przedrewolucji. Tocqueville, emancypacja i krytyka konserwatywnej historiografii

71%
Klimont G.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2017
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vol. 23
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issue 1
24-61
EN
This article presents a critique of mechanisms employed by conservative historiography. It is grounded in an analysis of selected discussions in the field of social history which focus on the last period of the Ancien Régime. Furthermore, the article presents a methodological and conceptual analysis of contemporary historical polemics. The aim is to transform problems that are typically considered as strictly historical into philosophical problems and to identify their political stakes. As a result, schemes implicit to conservative narration are sketched, and ideas for an interdisciplinary, emancipatory historiography are discussed. The envisioned perspective would simultaneously draw from the achievements of history from below, leftist macro-history and a philosophical critique of history.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę krytyki mechanizmów konserwatywnej historiografii na przykładzie wybranych dyskusji w obrębie historii społecznej dotyczących ostatnich lat ancien régime’u. Współczesne spory historyków i historyczek zostają zanalizowane pod kątem metodologicznym i pojęciowym. Celem artykułu jest ufilozoficznienie problemów przypisanych do pola historycznego oraz rozpoznanie ich stawek politycznych. Efektem tych analiz jest wypracowanie bardziej uniwersalnych schematów krytyki narracji konserwatywnej w historiografii oraz przedstawienie paru wskazówek do pisania interdyscyplinarnej historiografii emancypacyjnej, która twórczo czerpałaby z tradycji lewicowej makrohistorii, filozoficznych krytyk historii i historii oddolnej.
11
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Różnica między zachodnioeuropejską a niemiecką koncepcją nacjonalizmu

63%
Ziętek-Wielomska M.
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
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2021
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vol. 27
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issue 1
237-256
EN
Scientific research leaves no doubt that criminal National Socialism is not an archetype of nationalism or a national doctrine. It is a common view that the nationalist ideology was born in revolutionary France and the United States of America. For political reasons, the truth about the diametrically different nature of Western nationalism – primarily French and Anglocentric – on the one hand, and German on the other, is blurred. In the era of the spread of globalist cosmopolitanism ideology, national ideas are treated as the greatest danger to the progress of humanity.
PL
Badania naukowe nie pozostawiają wątpliwości, że zbrodniczy narodowy socjalizm nie jest archetypem nacjonalizmu ani doktryną narodową. Powszechnie uważa się, że ideologia nacjonalistyczna narodziła się w rewolucyjnej Francji i Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Z powodów politycznych zaciera się prawda o diametralnie odmiennym charakterze zachodniego nacjonalizmu – przede wszystkim francuskiego i anglocentrycznego – z jednej strony, a niemieckiego z drugiej. W dobie rozprzestrzeniania się ideologii globalistycznego kosmopolityzmu idee narodowe traktowane są jako największe zagrożenie dla postępu ludzkości.
12
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Wojna i ekonomia w państwie Fichtego

63%
Wójcik B. K.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2021
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vol. 69
20-34
EN
The aim of the article is to examine relation of war and economy in Fichte’s social philosophy, based on “The Closed Commercial State”. The first part describes autarchic and rational concept of state, which has some common ideas with the doctrine of Gracchus Babeuf. Fichte’s political views are characterized as “republican socialism” and contrasted with Immanuel Kant’s liberal agenda. The second part examines the economical and geopolitical causes of war. Fichte strongly criticizes the awakening of the global capitalist market. To conclude, on the one hand, the idea of closed state guarantees the internal peace in the society and external peace between nations, but on the other hand, Fichte – as the great admirer of the French Revolution – sometimes justifies the necessity of war.
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza pojęcia wojny i jej związków z ekonomią w filozofii społecznej J.G. Fichtego, w oparciu o „Zamknięte państwo handlowe”. W pierwszej części naszkicowany zostaje model autarkicznego i racjonalnego państwa, który posiada pewne podobieństwa z projektem politycznym Grakchusa Babeufa. W tym kontekście poglądy polityczne Fichtego zostają określone mianem „socjalizmu republikańskiego” w kontraście do liberalnej doktryny Immanuela Kanta. W drugiej części zbadane zostają ekonomiczne i geopolityczne przyczyny wojny. Filozof przede wszystkim krytykuje rodzący się globalny rynek kapitalistyczny. Podsumowując, dla Fichtego idea zamkniętego państwa ma gwarantować pokój tak wewnętrzny, jak zewnętrzny. Jednak filozof będący admiratorem rewolucji francuskiej, dopuszcza sytuacje, gdy wojny są etycznie usprawiedliwione.
13

Pani Roland i trauma Rewolucji

63%
Głażewski J.
Napis. Pismo poświęcone literaturze okolicznościowej i użytkowej
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2013
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issue 19
41-52
EN
The article is devoted to diaries ("Mémoires particuliers" and "Mes dernières pensèes") written by Marie-Jeanne Roland de La Platière, also known as Manon Roland, or Madame Roland (1754-1793), a French political activist. It is one of the most interesting document of personal life that emerged during the French Revolution, and the it refers extensively to the events before 1789. In this context, the memoirs seem to be not only the result of implementation of the "autobiographical pact", but also a struggle for one's own subjectivity: to prove the world that the essence of human personality does not develop in the fever of current political events, because it lies far beyond current experience. The story is told in the "past perfect" tense to release the author from the oppressive domination of the present over the whole life experience, and to create a chance to equalize the ratio between a brutal critique of revolutionary public opinion, which she was subjected to, and the will of a personal, individual memory. A careful reading of "Memoirs" allows to grasp the author's struggle with the “spirit of history” and an unconscious encroachment of the revolutionary discourse to the area of personal memory, causing a kind of rupture or implosion of the genre form, revealing the force of revolutionary trauma. Madame Roland, who described her purely political experience in letters and other writings in prison, tried to turn off her "Mémoires particuliers" from the power of the revolutionary discourse. However, the impact of the freshest memories embedded in the memory questioned these operations. It was impossible to find a perfect way to mask the trauma: the very speech undermined the effectiveness of silence here. What has already been told (according to the logic of the narrative), called for complementation.
14

History as Ideology or History as “Idéologie:” C. F. Volney and the Uses of the Past in Revolutionary France

63%
Cook A.
Dialogue and Universalism
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2021
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issue 3
179-196
EN
The French Revolution had a complex relationship with historical thought. In a significant sense, the politics of 1789 was built upon a rejection of the authority of the past. As old institutions and practices were swept away, many champions of the Revolution attacked conventional historical modes for legitimating authority, seeking to replace them with a politics anchored in notions of reason, natural law and natural rights. Yet history was not so easily purged from politics. In practice, symbols and images borrowed from the past saturated Revolutionary culture. The factional disputes of the 1790s, too, invoked history in a range of ways. The politics of nature itself often relied on a range of historical propositions and, as the Revolution developed, a new battle between “ancients” and ‘moderns’ gradually emerged amongst those seeking to direct the future of France. This article explores these issues by focusing on a series of lectures delivered at the École Normale in the Year III (1795), in the wake of Thermidor and the fall of Robespierre. The lectures, commissioned by the Ministry of Education, were designed to lay out a program for historical pedagogy in the French Republic. Their author, Constantin-Francois Volney (1757–1820), was one of a group of figures who sought, during these years, to stabilise French politics by tying it to the development of a new form of social science—a science that would eventually be labelled “idéologie.” With this in mind, Volney sought to promote historical study as an antidote to the political appropriation of the past, with particular reference to its recent uses in France. In doing so, he also sought to appropriate the past for political purposes. These lectures illustrate a series of tensions in the wider Revolutionary relationship with history, particularly during the Thermidorian moment. They also, however, reflect ongoing ambiguities in the social role of the discipline and the self-understanding of itspractitioners.
15

Paul Tiry d`Holbach - religia a „System przyrody"

63%
Kochan J.
Nowa Krytyka
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2014
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issue 33
135-156
EN
The presented article is a study of views on religion which presented Paul-Henri d'Holbach creator of the wonderful "System of Nature". Special attention is devoted to the evolution of his views from the atheism and radical anti-clericalism, to the concept of using the church and religion to create a new capitalist social order.
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Organizacja funkcjonowania Kościoła we francuskim porządku prawnym. Zarys problematyki

63%
Wasilewicz U.
Kościół i Prawo
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2013
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issue 2 (15) nr 2
197-208
EN
The paper analysed the basis and methods of the functioning of the Catholic Church in France, the country that the principle of secularism is inscribed in the constitution and the separation of the Churches of the state is treated as a fundamental principle, but still within its territory there are also other systems in relation to the state of the Catholic Church. In most parts of the country, and three overseas departments (Guadeloupe, Martinique and Reunion), inforce the Act of 1905 on the separation of churches from the state, which deprives the churches and church agencies of the legal entity. For a three eastern departments of the country (Lower Rhine, Upper Rhine and Moselle), is valid Concordat of Napoleon from 1801, which divides of religion to „recognized” and „not recognized” by the state. Cults of personality are considered public law and the state has to have a number of obligations, such as financial maintenance of the clergy, but also rights as the right to appoint people to high positions in these religions. In almost all the overseas territories of all faiths apply to the decrees of 1939, the so-called. Mandela decrees under which the resulting administrative councils involved in the management of the assets of churches and other religious organizations. In French Guiana, there are two systems. Catholic Religion is the only cult „recognized” by the state and funded directly by them pursuant to the Royal Decree of Charles X in 1828, and to other faiths apply these decrees Mandela.
17
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Divorce in French Law Between 1792 and 1816

63%
Pomianowski P.
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
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2016
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vol. 25
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issue 3
EN
During the Ancien Régime in France, marriage was indissoluble and only separation was allowed. The Constitution of 1791 declared that marriage was only a civil contract (the principle of the indissolubility was rejected). The law of 1792 abolished separation and allowed to get a divorce, which was easily accessible – even incompatibility of temperament could be a reason for untying a marriage knot. During Robespierre’s rules, liberal law of 1792 was even more liberalized. After the Thermidorian Reaction, conditions of obtaining a divorce were tightened but the law in that matter was still liberal. It was not until the introduction of the Law of 1803, that the number of grounds for a divorce was limited. In 1804, the Law of 1803 became the part of the Code Civil.
PL
W absolutystycznej Francji – zgodnie z nauczaniem Kościoła katolickiego – uznawano nierozerwalność małżeństwa (dopuszczalna była jedynie separacja), natomiast konstytucja z 3 września 1791 r. stanowiła, że małżeństwo jest kontraktem cywilnym. Rok później Legislatywa postanowiła znieść separację i ustanowić rozwód. Podstawy rozwiązania małżeństwa były liczne, znalazła się wśród nich nawet niezgodność charakterów. Za rządów jakobinów w czasie dyktatury Robespierre’a prawo z września 1792 r. zostało jeszcze zliberalizowane, jednak po przewrocie thermidoriańskim odwołano zmiany, które do ustawy rozwodowej wprowadzili jakobini. Z kolei nowa ustawa z 1803 r. (następnie włączona do kodeksu cywilnego) poważnie ograniczyła liczbę podstaw rozwodowych i sprawiła, że stał się on znacznie trudniej osiągalny. Po restauracji Burbonów rozwód został usunięty z francuskiego systemu prawnego.
18
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Pojęcie „socjalizmu” w myśli politycznej Alexisa de Tocqueville’a

63%
Scovil J.
Świat Idei i Polityki
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2017
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issue 16
30-41
PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę oryginalnego ujęcia socjalizmu, zarysowanego w pismach Alexisa de Tocqueville’a. Autor wychodzi od nakreślenia historycznego kontekstu, w jakim kształtowały się poglądy francuskiego myśliciela w tym obszarze, odnosząc się do jego doświadczeń z okresu rewolucji lipcowej 1830 r. oraz rewolucji lutowej 1848 r. Następnie przechodzi do szczegółowej analizy jego definicji socjalizmu, czyniąc niezbędne odwołanie do wyznawanej przez niego republikańskiej koncepcji wolności i roli, jaka przypada obywatelowi w demokracji. Na zakończenie autor przygląda się Tocqueville’owskiej wizji genezy myśli socjalistycznej, wiązanej przez arystokratę z niepokojami, jakie nieuchronnie rodzi system demokratyczny.
EN
The article presents an analysis of an original conception of socialism outlined in the works of Alexis de Tocqueville. The author begins with a brief presentation of historical context in which the views of French thinker were shaped, referring to his experiences from the period of the July Revolution of 1830 and the February Revolution of 1848. The author goes on to detailed analysis of his definition of socialism, making an indispensable reference to his republican conception of freedom and the role of a citizen in democracy. Finally, the author looks at Tocquevillian vision of genesis of socialist ideas, associated by him with anxiety, which democratic system inevitably generates.
19
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To rescue the king of France. The actions of the Stockholm court on the international stage in the years 1791–1792

63%
Anusik Z., Bartosiewicz A.
Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne
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2021
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vol. 28
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issue 2
170-183
PL
W artykule opisano próby ratowania monarchii francuskiej podejmowane przez Gustawa III, ówczesną sytuację polityczną w Europie oraz stosunek poszczególnych mocarstw europejskich do rewolucji francuskiej. Autorzy starają się ukazać wzajemne powiązania polityki dworu sztokholmskiego wobec rewolucyjnej Francji oraz działań króla Szwecji w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Artykuł wykorzystuje często pomijane źródła, jak korespondencja szwedzkich dyplomatów z Petersburga, Madrytu i Warszawy czy też archiwalia z Riksarkivet w Sztokholmie. Stanowi tym samym cenne uzupełnienie badań prowadzonych nad opisywanym problemem przez współczesnych badaczy zagadnienia.
EN
The article describes Gustav III’s attempts to save the French monarchy, the then political situation in Europe, and the attitude of individual European powers to the French Revolution. The authors try to show a close relation between the policy of the Stockholm court towards revolutionary France and the actions of the king of Sweden in Central and Eastern Europe. The study uses hitherto neglected sources such as correspondence of Swedish diplomats from St Petersburg, Madrid and Warsaw, or records found in the Riksarkivet in Stockholm. Thus, the presented article should fill the existing research gap in the abovementioned area of interest.
20
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Sacrum i rewolucja. Leszek Kołakowski i inni

63%
Krasicki J.
Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia
|
2019
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vol. 14
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issue 2
37-59
EN
The author examines the relationship between the sphere of the sacred and the phenomenon of the revolution. He points to the distinctiveness of Leszek Kołakowski’s position as compared to the views articulated by other representatives of the so-called Warsaw school of the history of ideas. He claims that Kołakowski’s philosophical programme, which takes into account the sacred and mythical dimension of the socio-political diagnoses, can help us to understand the Russian Revolution of 1917 as well as other revolutionary movements and processes of the 20th century. He demonstrates that the sacred is an inherent aspect of the revolutionary mentality. Also, he argues that the ideologies which turned against religion in the name of the struggle with religious superstitions, in the end became quasi-religious. As a matter of fact, the revolutionary utopia may be perceived as a kind of crypto-religion involving such elements of the mythical thinking as a belief in the cognition of history, an assumption that the latter may be started anew, a belief in the possibility of the secular eschatology, etc.
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