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The review article deals with the new updated Italian edition of T. G. Masaryk’s book “The New Europe”. In addition to the annotated translation of Masaryk’s text, the volume contains two introductory studies (by the Czech historian Koloman Gajan and by Francesco Leoncini as the editor of the volume), Leoncini’s essayistic epilogue, the chronological overview of Masaryk’s life and the bibliography of works on Masaryk and Czech issues in Italian. Moreover, the appendices include the text of Benedetto Croce’s lecture “Italy and the Czech Lands” and Leoncini’s paper “T. G. Masaryk and Italy”. The review article analyzes especially three key topics depicted in the book – Masaryk’s relation to Italy, the interpretation of Masaryk’s thought as an analogy to Mazzini’s visions, and the question of Masaryk’s legacy for (Central) Europe in the 21st century as it is viewed by Leoncini from the external Italian perspective.
EN
The study presents digital tools and practices used for research of the international correspondence network of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk before 1918. The discussion highlights the usefulness of spatial visualization and network analysis for interpreting the correspondence network as a significant instrument in the process of the creation of Czechoslovakia after the First World War. The ambition is to outline, using this example, the paradigm shift in historical science related to the recent entry of the digital world into the humanities.
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První stoupenci a odpůrci Masarykova realismu

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The author points to a duality in Masaryk’s immensely influental thought between his scientisti positivism and the spiritualism of his human longing for God. The partisans of Masaryk’s scientific emphasis (F. Krejčí, F. Drtina and especially Josef Tvrdý developing conceptions of induction, emergent evolution and humanism) needed to overcome the limitations of Masaryk’s positivism. That was also the task for Masaryk’s philosophical opponents who drew on Driesch’s neovitalism and Bergson’s intuitivism (Kantian F. Mareš, transcendental idealist V. Hoppe, personalist F. Pelikán) the author offers an overview of such authors, emphasising especially the neognosticism of Karel Vorovka as an important contribution to the overcoming of positivism. T e author considers the negative attitude against all things catholic then prevailing in Czech society as the common obstacle to a fruitful dialogue between the opponents of positivism with Masaryk’s religiously open-minded supporters as E. Rádl and J. L. Hromádka. Only much later is an increasingly ecumental openness helping overcome that obstacle.
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Masarykova "Nová Evropa"

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The text of The New Europe (1918) is analyzed in this article both on its own terms, that is, as a war-time work of T. G. Masaryk formulated with a specific propagandistic aim within the framework of a campaign of resistance, but also with regard to a longer- term discussion of Czech political thinking on the subjects of national identity and statehood. In its assessment of both this narrower framework and the wider one, the article affirms Masaryk’s exceptional ability to argumentatively transfer theoretical points of departure to the needs of political propaganda. It was this very ability that enabled Masaryk to transform his status and role from that of an influential commentator with little political influence in the pre-war years into an indubitable and practically unquestioned authority not only in the field of theoretical discussion, but also in Czech politics as such. It cannot be said that Masaryk’s interpretation of the discussion going on in Czech circles regarding the conception of nation and statehood was the only possible or correct one. But it proved to be acceptable during that period of time from the point of view of both foreign allies and domestic society, thus confirming itself alone as the basis of the concept of victory and victors, which it was possible to elaborate into the more general ideological framework of future Czechoslovak state doctrine.
CS
Text Nové Evropy (1918) je v této stati analyzován jak sám o sobě, tedy jako válečná práce T. G. Masaryka formulovaná s konkrétním propagandistickým záměrem v rámci odbojové akce, tak také s ohledem na dlouhodobější diskusi českého politického myšlení k tématům národní identity a státnosti. V posouzení užšího a širšího rámce se potvrzuje Masarykova výjimečná schopnost argumentačního přenosu teoretických východisek na potřeby politické propagandy. Právě tato schopnost umožnila proměnu postavení a role tohoto před válkou vlivného komentátora slabého politického vlivu do podoby nezpochybnitelné a prakticky nezpochybňované autority nejen na poli teoretické diskuse, ale i české politiky jako takové. Nelze tvrdit, že Masarykova interpretace české diskuse věnovaná pojetí národa a státnosti byla jediná možná či správná, ale ukázala se jako dobově přijatelná jak z pohledu zahraničních spojenců, tak domácí společnosti, a tím jako by sama sebe potvrdila coby základ konceptu vítězství a vítězů, který bylo možno rozpracovat do obecnějšího ideového rámce budoucí československé státní doktríny.
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The author devotes himself to two analyses from the first period of the War – the Czech one by T. G. Masaryk, and the Slovak one written by Fedor Ruppeldt. Both analyses constitute an important historical document about how the contemporaries felt the initial stage of the War; they show many similarities but also differences. The authors partially are in agreement about their views, assessments, and conclusions; however, they partially differ from each other. They analyse the issue of the outbreak of the War, they partially even reflect on the responsibility for the outbreak of the War – to the extent allowed by limited possibilities given by the cautiousness because of the war censorship – and they try to come to conclusions as to its next development. Differences between the Masaryk’s and the Ruppeldt’s view of the War arise both from the differences in their professional specialization, life practice and opportunities to be in contact with politicians and representatives of foreign countries, and from the possibilities to travel; in the case of Ruppeldt also from the absence of his long-time stay abroad.
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O sensie historii

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History and meaningIn the translated text – selected from the samizdat volume Pojetí českých dějin (The Concept of Czech History) published in January 1986 – the author defines his position in the ongoing dispute about the meaning of Czech history. In the first part, he analyses different definitions of “meaning” and their applicability to national identity and history. Kohák argues that although history never imposes only one way of looking at it, objective facts may exclude some ways of nterpretation. Looking at Czech national history, he concludes that we should consider the existence of contradictory, yet equally important elements as its defining factor. The second part of the study focuses on the life of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and his Czechoslovak idea. Kohák defines ideal Czechoslovakia not as a national state, but a “good state”, providing all of its inhabitants with equal rights and opportunities. He also points out the dissonance between Masaryk’s idea of a just and democratic state and the heavy reliance of interwar Czechoslovakia on Czech nationalism. O sensie historiiW przełożonym tekście, pochodzącym z samizdatowego tomu Pojetí českých dějin wydanego w styczniu 1986, autor włącza się w wieloletnią debatę o sensie czeskiej historii. W pierwszej części przygląda się różnym rozumieniom pojęcia „sens” i ich zastosowaniu w odniesieniu do tożsamości narodowej i historii. Kohák stwierdza, że historia nigdy nie narzuca jednej interpretacji, ale też obiektywne fakty wykluczają pewne sposoby jej odczytywania. Przenosząc tę refleksję na dzieje Czech, autor uznaje, że szczególną wartością czeskiego losu jest istnienie w nim sprzecznych, choć tak samo wartościowych tradycji razem tworzących całość czeskiej kultury. Powołując się na życie T. G. Masaryka, Kohák definiuje idealną Czechosłowację nie jako państwo narodowe, ale „dobre państwo” zapewniające równe szanse wszystkim swoim obywatelom. Zwraca również uwagę na leżący u podstaw państwowości czechosłowackiej rozziew między masarykowską ideą państwa sprawiedliwego i demokratycznego a jego faktycznym oparciem się na siłach czeskiego nacjonalizmu.
EN
The article deals with the relationship between T. G. Masaryk and the Catholic Church after the establishment of Czechoslovakia in 1918. The paper reflects actual synthesis of the relationship of T. G. Masaryk and Catholic Church, their mutual association and struggle at the turn of the 10´s and 20´s of the 20th century. The analysis presents important editions of documents, Czech archives regarding the religious person of T. G. Masaryk and new open archive collections of the Vatican Secret Archives.
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The present contribution focuses on Karel Capek’s Hovory s T.G. Masarykem to analyse its intrinsic structure by applying František Daneš’ model of thematic progressions (TP), ie. the choice and ordering of utterance themes, their mutual concatenation and hierarchy, as well as their relation to the hyperthemes of the superior text unit (such as paragraph, chapter, etc.), to the whole text, and to the situation. Thematic progression might be viewed as the skeleton of the plot. This contribution aims to identify the thematic progression patterns (simple linear, constant, with derived themes), in particular in the third part, focused on Masaryk’s thinking. Thanks to the identification of the thematic progressions, it is possible to ascertain the communicative intention of the author and to point out some formal aspects. Differently from the first two parts, in which the style is mainly narrative, in the third one the intention of Capek is to reproduce the style of the president’s speeches. Putting in writing Masaryk’s thoughts, Capek preserves the oral dimension and the stylistic originality of the speaker. Moreover, Masaryk himself contributed to the editing of the Hovory.
EN
Czechoslovak republic was founded and grew as a parliamentary demo¬cracy whose theoretical ideological conception was Masaryk’s idea of democracy. Masaryk was convinced that democracy, expressing the meaning of modern Western humanity, could not find itself in a crisis as such. Only democrats could fail. However, the factual development of the Czechoslovak state in the 1920’s and 1930’s manifested signs of a crisis. The question thus became one of sustainability of Masaryk’s ideas. One of the serious attempts at their critical reflection is the structurally functionalist conception of crisis of democracy offered by Josef Ludvík Fischer, a sociologist and a philosopher, who saw the root of the problem in a structural pathology, not an individual failure. The crisis can be resolved, according to Fischer, by constituting a “composable society” which respects the order of reality. Masaryk and Fisher agree that democracy needs be built on a global understanding of what there is as a whole.
EN
This paper summarizes the mediation activities of Heinrich Herbatschek (1877 Vsetín — 1956 Vienna) in both Czech- and German-language environments between Vienna, Moravia and Prague. The author concludes that Herbatschek saw the potential of this mediation especially in the cultural field, putting it in more or less sharp contrast to the antagonistic political discourse. Systems of ideas compatible with this basic attitude were pacifism, for example (the essay Unser Seelenleben im Völkerkriege, 1915), and apolitical socialism (e.g. essays in the cosmopolitan magazine Die Wahrheit in Brno around 1920). Above all, however, it presented a fundamental criticism of strategies of othering based on national self-identification (as in the Moravian novel Ist die Liebe tot?, 1921). We find this ethos, which Herbatschek came to embrace as a student and translator of Masaryk (Die Ideale der Humanität, 1902), across the various spheres of cultural and social life that Herbatschek engaged in, which is to say as translator and reviewer of Czech modernism in the early 20th century, as a networker, writer and publisher in the German-Czech Committee and the Moravian Club in Vienna on the eve of World War I, as chairman of the Austrian-Czechoslovak Society and publisher of its magazine Der Nachbar (1929–1936), and as promoter of tourism between Austria and Czechoslovakia.
EN
In this study, the author investigates, analyzes and evaluates the philosophically and politically important, interactive role played by criticism in forming and maintaining the concept of a democratic republic, and which played a fundamental role in the philosophical and political works of T. G. Masaryk, Emanuel Rádl, Jan Patočka, Ladislav Hejdánek and Erazim Kohák. The study first describes Masaryk’s concept of a democratic republic, which originated in his philosophical, social and political criticism of the time, and then continues with Rádl’s criticism of nationalism, also linked to Masaryk; Patočka’s criticism of Masaryk’s and Rádl’s philosophy and politics; and Hejdánek’s and Kohák’s criticism of Patočka’s criticism. Philosophical criticism played an irreplaceable role both in the initial sustaining of Masaryk’s and Rádl’s concept of a democratic republic and in its renewal and modernization. In the conclusion, the critical discourse of the authors discussed in the study is summarized.
CS
V této studii autor zkoumá, analyzuje a hodnotí filosoficky i politicky významnou interaktivní roli kritiky při vytváření a udržování konceptu demokratické republiky. Právě kritika totiž zaujímala zcela zásadní místo ve filosofickém i politickém díle T. G. Masaryka, Emanuela Rádla, Jana Patočky, Ladislava Hejdánka a Erazima Koháka. Autor nejprve přibližuje Masarykův koncept demokratické republiky, který se zrodil z jeho dobové filosofické, společenské a politické kritiky, následně pak Rádlovu kritiku nacionalismu, vztaženou i na Masarykovy postoje, poté Patočkovu kritiku Masarykovy a Rádlovy filosofie i politiky a v závěru pak Hejdánkovu a Kohákovu kritiku Patočkovy kritiky. Na základě svých analýz dospívá posléze k závěru, že filosofická kritika sehrála nezastupitelnou roli jak v počátečním udržení Masarykova a Rádlova konceptu demokratické republiky, tak při jeho obnově a aktualizaci. V závěru stati pak autor představuje vlastní kritický diskurz analyzovaných autorů.
EN
The study deals with the diplomatic activities of the Czech, respectively Czechoslovak foreign resistance in relation to the Holy See and its representatives during the World War I. It analyzes the milieu of the foreign political representation, whose activities are set to the Churchpolitical context of the years 1914–1918, with particular emphasis on the situation of the Czech Catholic milieu, which underwent a very dynamic development during the war. It mainly follows Masaryk‘s and Beneš‘s efforts to establish contacts with Church representatives in western and southern Europe, thereby increasing the prestige of their foreign action. The study is based on extensive collections of Vatican and Czech archives, supplemented by funds of other important Czech archival institutions, a number of published sources, period prints and editions of documents on Church and political history of the 20th century.
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Jan Hus v proměnách šesti století

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According to the Hussite approach, and also according to the approach of the Reformation streams, the death of Jan Hus represented a turning point in history, a return to the binding road to salvation. This is demonstrated in the Hussite chronicles, and also the depictions of Jan Hus as a witness to the first day and a Saint comparable to the early Christian martyrs. Although the Catholic environment viewed Jan Hus and the Hussites as heretics doomed to eternal torment in the flames of Hell, the preacher of Bethlehem Chapel was considered both a savvy and dangerous opponent. These two basic and extremely different approaches continued into the last quarter of the 18th century, when the Enlightenment began to present Jan Hus as a victim of conscience and the proclaimer of the primacy of state power. This interpretation, which viewed the current issues of the day in connection with Hus’ struggle, continued up until the last days of the 20th century. There is a lack of understanding of the true essence of Hus’ efforts in the contemporary Post-modern perception of the world, however. The logical results of this misunderstanding are recurrent, outdated explanations involving stereotypes, simplification and a tabloid approach.
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Deceptive eights and The Czech Question: Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk’s writing strategiesThis article concerns the writing strategies present in Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk’s works, especially in The Czech Question. Firstly, the author shows the impact of the second edition of The Czech Question, published in 1908, on the discussion about the sense of Czech history. Secondly, she examines Masaryk’s writing strategies, showing to what extent they involve creating and, on the other hand, analysing Czech history. Złudne ósemki a Czeskie pytanie. Strategie pisania Tomáša Garrigue’a MasarykaW artykule podjęta zostaje problematyka strategii pisania obecnych w dziele T. G. Masaryka, zwłaszcza w jego Czeskim pytaniu. Po pierwsze, autorka pokazuje jaki wpływ miało drugie wydanie Czeskiego pytania, opublikowane w 1908 roku, na dyskusję o sensie czeskiej historii. Po drugie, autorka analizuje strategie pisania Masaryka, pokazując, do jakiego stopnia chodzi w nim o kreację, a do jakiego o analizę czeskiej historii.
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The article deals with the celebrations for the Czechoslovak First Republic on the state holiday (October 28) and the visits of Presidents Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and Edvard Beneš to the Moravian border town Znojmo/Znaim. Th is town on the Czech-German “language border” only became part of Czechoslovakia in late December 1918. During the interwar period, both the state holiday as well as the visits of the presidents were used to create loyalty to the state and its local representatives. Th ese events refl ect the understanding of the state in local politics. During the twenties, the celebrations on October 28 were solely dominated by Czech parties and resulted in confl icts with their German counterparts. The understanding of the state holiday changed during the thirties. Against the backdrop of political turmoil in Czechoslovakia and Europe, the festivities on October 28 provided an opportunity to construct unity in a multinational state.
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