Search results

1

Kosovo - An Atypical Parliamentary Republic

100%

Jashari M., Selimi B.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

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2016

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issue 14

107-117

EN

The topic of this comparative study is the republican character of the system of governance in Kosovo. In the public discourse and political communication, as well as in academic discourse Kosovo is considered a Parliamentary Republic, based on the principle “of the separation of powers and checks and balances between them.” Although the constitutional definition of the relationship between the executive and legislative favors parliamentary republicanism, the constitutional powers of the president, the government and especially the constitutional and political power of the prime minister, significantly weaken the parliamentary character, in favor of a semi-presidential system. However, neither the current theories of government, nor constitutional provisions can rank Kosovo among semi-presidential systems, or pure parliamentary systems. Comparisons of competence powers relations in Kosovo, with similar relations and competences of the countries of the region and beyond, testify to the specific nature of parliamentary democracy in Kosovo. It is precisely the comparison of the Kosovo constitutional-legal system of governance with similar systems and theoretical analysis of parliamentary models facing Kosovo model which will be the basis of support of the hypothesis that Kosovo is not a typical parliamentary republic.

2

Words and images of the Republic: Italian political propaganda (1946–1948)

86%

Caffarena F., Caffarena F.

Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny

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2019

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issue 2

3

The President of the Republic of Poland in the Light of Constitutions Adopted in Poland Between 1918 and 2018 – Selected Issues

86%

Danel Ł.

Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie

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2018

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vol. 23

7-20

EN

The article concerns the constitutional position and political role of the President of the Republic of Poland. Though the Author concentrates on the current constitution of Poland, that entered info force in 1997, he also reviews all the constitutions (and important amendments to these constitutions) that were adopted over the last century, so after Poland had restored its sovereignty in 1918. The analysis is concentrated not only on the constitutional position and political role of the Polish president, but also on the way he was (and is) elected. The Author tries to prove a thesis that the actual political position of the head in the state in Poland depended and still depends not only on constitutional provisions, but also on specific political circumstances, and even the character and personality of the people holding this office.

4

Conciliatory and Conflictual Ethnopolitical Concepts in the Republics of the Russian Federation: Tatarstan and Chechnya

86%

Wierzbicki A., Gorlicka S.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2021

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issue 4 (50)

131-147

EN

Russia is a state with a multi-ethnic federal structure inherited from the USSR. Implementing an ethnic policy that would unite and integrate its citizens is one of its most important goals. Among Russia’s federal subjects are also national republics pursuing their own ethno-political concepts, either conciliatory or conflictual. Tatarstan and Chechnya are examples of such republics. With the use of the comparative method, the article is an attempt at demonstrating many factors that have an impact on the shaping and implementing of the ethnic policy through such criteria as the status of the republics, the concept of the nation, and ethnocentrism, historical memory, the role of Islam and its politicization, and the language policy. The article also outlines their consequences and possible future scenarios.

5

Temps et Révolution. De l’Almanach des Honnêtes Gens (1788) au Calendrier des Républicains (1793) de Sylvain Maréchal

86%

Matyaszewski P.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

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2022

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vol. Special Issue

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issue 17

109-118

EN

The aim of this paper is to show the evolution of the ideas of the French Enlightenment author, Sylvain Maréchal. In 1788, he writes an almost revolutionary work, The Honest Man’s Almanac, in which he breaks with the Christian axiology of time, and thus with the Gregorian calendar. He proposes a new system of measuring time, and replaces the names of saints and patrons of the Catholic Church with those of philosophers, artists, writers and politicians who deserve eternal memory of their posterity. In 1793, during the French Revolution, he creates another piece, The Calendar of Republicans. Retaining the main idea of his work of five years earlier, the author this time proposes a republican calendar, created under the influence of the revolutionary events in France. He fundamentally changes the list of the ‘new saints’, taking as his criterion their dedication and sometimes even the sacrifice of their lives to the idea of the republic in the history of humanity. He thus anticipates the cult of the ‘martyrs’ of the republican cause, which will develop in the revolutionary France in 1793.

6

Vznik, charakter a konec první Československé republiky : (Několik úvah k aktuálním diskusím)

86%

Pešek J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2018

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vol. 116

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issue 3

659-692

EN

The author has used the 100th anniversary of the foundation of Czechoslovakia to review its history and historiography. He confronts traditional (positive) myths with the current, intentionally extreme and historical facts disregarding critiques of "Masaryk‘s Republic". To this end, the author puts the Czechoslovak narrative, usually presented in isolation, into Central European and pan-European contexts and comparisons. For it is only those contexts that, indeed, provide the framework for assessing this democratic experiment. Therefore, the author sketches the foundation of the Czechoslovak republic within the context of the collapse of the Central European monarchies transformed into military dictatorships during World War I. Further, he portrays the entrenchment of Czechoslovak democracy within the framework of the efforts of the Allied powers to base the post-war peace in Europe upon a system of democratic republics and the principle of collective security. Nazi Germany’s de facto annexation of democratic Czechoslovakia is then depicted as a result of the collapse of this European system once the great Western powers effectively abandoned it and the power of the main European dictatorships grew rapidly.

7

Perspektywy Kanady i Australii w kontekście ich przynależności do Commonwealth

81%

Woźniak M.

Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM

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2019

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issue 19-20

201-219

EN

The number of states with the monarchy system is decreasing today. Currently, there are about 50 of them in the world, including the 16 Commonwealth Realms. Canada and Australia are the countries with the longest Commonwealth Realm status and belong to the Commonwealth of Nations, an international organization associating 53 member states. Currently, Queen Elizabeth II is the sovereign of both countries and she will probably be succeeded by her eldest son, Prince Charles. Due to the fact that the monarch lives in the UK on a daily basis, her duties are performed by the governor general. The purpose of this article is a comparative analysis of Canada and Australia, aiming at presenting the moods prevailing in these countries in the context of a possible change of the state system from a monarchy to a republic.

PL

Kanada i Australia są państwami wspólnotowymi Wielkiej Brytanii, a co za tym idzie, łączy je osoba monarchy, która sprawuje władzę w państwie. W artykule ukazane zostały opinie panujące wśród społeczeństwa Kanady i Australii na temat monarchii, rodziny królewskiej oraz zmiany głowy rządzącej. Przedstawiono konkretne argumenty republikanów z obydwóch państw, jak również sympatie obywateli do poszczególnych członków brytyjskiej rodziny królewskiej. W obydwóch państwach występuje spory ruch antymonarchistyczny, który może się pogłębić po śmierci królowej Elżbiety II i objęciu tronu przez księcia Karola.

8

Republika czy kryptomonarchia? Pozycja ustrojowa głowy państwa w systemie rządów Samoa

72%

Eska-Mikołajewska J.

Prawo i Polityka

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2019

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issue 9

63-86

EN

The author analyses the political position of the head of state of Samoa. Referring the Samoan system of government to the other eleven sovereign states of the South Pacific, it should be considered as an exception as the one which has not been clearly defined yet. Samoa has a mixed system of government that combines elements derived from the Westminster tradition with the native system of political and social organisation serving as the foundation for a local government. The presentation of the head of state in Samoa was done in the light of constitutional provisions along with an indication of the mechanisms determining the position of this office in political practice. The presentation of the above issues required an institutional and legal analysis as well as a critical analysis and a descriptive method. This analysis allowed to indicate that in the evolutionary process of constitutional development, some elements that may have so far moved towards recognising this microstate as a constitutional monarchy have been redefined. The introduction of republican methods of exercising executive authority supports calling the head of state of Samoa president.

9

Apologia sroki albo August i dziedzictwo optymatów [Rec. The Alternative Augustan Age, eds. Kit Morrell, Josiah Osgood, Kathryn Welch, New York 2019]

72%

Jurkowski M.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

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2021

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vol. 16

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issue 21

191-204

EN

This article presents the basic assumptions and theses of the collection of essays The Alternative Augustan Age (ed. K. Morrell, J. Osgood, K. Welch, New York 2019). This book is a post-conference publication; the conference papers, according to the intention of the organisers, are concerning the so-called the Age of Augustus and not the princeps directly. Moving away from the narrative focus on Augustus’s actions in literary sources is the most characteristic feature of the book. When discussing its content, Paul Hay’s and Kit Morrell’s articles have been discussed most copiously. These scholars draw attention to the analogies between some of Augustus’s initiatives and the ideas and reforms with which the three politicians associated with the faction of the optimates, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, Gnaeus Pompeius the Great and Marcus Porcius Cato came up towards the end of the republic. According to the author of this article, not all the similarities identified by those researchers find equally robust support in the sources. Nevertheless, their research sheds new light on the problem of Augustus’s relationship to the traditions of the republic.

PL

Przedmiotem artykułu recenzyjnego jest praca zbiorowa The Alternative Augustan Age. Jej autorzy intencjonalnie nie koncentrują narracji na samym Auguście, zwracając uwagę m.in. na republikańską metrykę części inicjatyw cesarza. Te, w których zdawał się on podążać śladami wytyczonymi przez Sullę, Pompejusza i Katona Utyceńskiego, omówili K. Morrell i P. Hay. Choć nie wszystkie przywołane przez badaczy analogie znajdują równie solidne oparcie w źródłach, en masse rzucają interesujące światło na kwestię stosunku Augusta do tradycji republiki.

10

The symbolic significance of the position of the Hungarian president in a central European context

72%

Halász I.

The Lawyer Quarterly

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2017

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vol. 7

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issue 2

127-135

EN

Since the birth of modern republics, the post of the president of the republic has had important symbolic content. It is a powerful symbol of republicanism. The presidents of most republics have inherited many characteristics of previous dynastic rulers, as their partly similar functions - representing the state in and outside the country, symbolising the unity of the nation and in periods of crisis, guaranteeing the continuity of state power. The paper is concerning on the Hungarian constitutional development in the 20th century and especially after 2011. Symbolism of the new Fundamental Law of Hungary is very strong and the position of president is central in this process.

11

Rewolucja oczami Wandei

72%

Stępniewska J.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2019

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issue 51

EN

Revolution seen through the eyes of VendéeThis paper aims at reviewing a publication entitled "The Franco-French Genocide. Vendée – the Department of Vengeance" by Reynald Secher. The book touches on the issue of fights between the Republicans and peasants opposing the regime of the revolutionaries. This event’s history has been hushed up. Moreover, it has effectively been removed from the national narrative. Reynald Secher propagates the process of reminding us of those facts. In this review, information on the fights will be contrasted with theories presented by other historians in order to make the reader aware of the whole process’s complexity and of many persistent inaccuracies.Materials collected by the author will be subjected to our analysis. Due to the reconstruction of events by eye-witnesses, previously an underestimated but abundant source of knowledge, the author has learned the truth about the acts of the revolutionary heroes. In Secher's work, the accuracy with which he presents all the issues becomes equally important.Special attention should be paid to the very word “genocide” and its associations. Indeed, the work is not focused on carnage. Instead, it plays a part both as a reminder that carnage did take place, and a presentation of reasons for its occurrence. Rewolucja oczami WandeiNiniejsza praca ma na celu zrecenzowanie publikacji „Ludobójstwo francusko-francuskie. Wandea - Departament Zemsty” Reynalda Sechera. Książka dotyczy walk między republikanami oraz chłopami sprzeciwiającymi się rządom rewolucjonistów. Historia o tym zdarzeniu została wyciszona i skutecznie usunięta z narracji narodowej. Reynald Secher propaguje proces „odpamiętnienie” tamtejszych wydarzeń. W niniejszej recenzji informacje na temat walk zostaną skontrastowane z teoriami prezentowanymi przez innych historyków, aby uświadomić czytelnikowi złożoność całego procesu oraz o wielu wciąż istniejących nieścisłościach.Analizie poddane zostaną zebrane przez autora materiały. Dzięki rekonstrukcji zdarzeń oczami bezpośrednich świadków wydarzeń, będącymi dotąd niedocenioną skarbnicą wiedzy, autor poznał prawdę o czynach bohaterów rewolucji. W pracy Sechera równie ważna staje się szczegółowość, z jaką przedstawia wszystkie elementy.Szczególną uwagę należy przyłożyć do samego słowa „ludobójstwo” i konotacji z nim związanych. Sednem pracy nie jest bowiem przedstawienie rzezi, ale przypomnienie, że miała ona miejsce i zaprezentowanie powodów jej zaistnienia.

12

Projekt wiecznego pokoju: de Saint-Pierre, Rousseau, Kant

72%

Blaszke M.

ΣΟΦΙΑ. Pismo Filozofów Krajów Słowiańskich

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2013

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issue 13

93-108

RU

В статье сравниваются взгляды Сен-Пьера, Руссо и Канта о вечном мире. Де Сен-Пьер в идее объединенной Европы рассчитывает, прежде всего, на договор между христианскими правителями, на образование Союза, общего Парламента и Арбитражного Суда. Руссо не разделяет оптимизма такого взгляда, в котором не предусмотрено господство частных интересов над общим благом. Он больше рассчитывает на союз народов с республиканским строем. Для Канта условием сохранения вечного мира является верховенство моральности над правом в республиканском строе и создание союза государств, в котором сохраняется культурное разнообразие, и который можно считать федерацией родин.

EN

The article compares the views of de Saint-Pierre, Rousseau and Kant concerning the establishment of long-lasting peace presented in their works. De Saint-Pierre in his vision of united Europe, without wars, hopes, first of all, there will be an agreement among Christian rulers, establishment of Union, common Parliament and Arbitration Court. Rousseau does not share his optimism which does not take into consideration dominance of private interests over common good. He rather counts on alliance of nations with republican form of government. For Kant preserving long-lasting peace is subject to establishing the primacy of morality over politics in republican system and forming a union of nations with cultural differences which may be understood as a vision of federation of homelands.

13

Konceptualizacja „powinnego” ładu socjo- -politycznego w państwach zachodnich w dobie XIX-wiecznych przemian w myśli krakowskiego konserwatysty Henryka Lisickiego

72%

Nowak M.

UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

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2022

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issue 2(23)

21-37

PL

Artykuł prezentuje poglądy przedstawiciela krakowskich konserwatystów – Henryka Lisickiego na kwestię XIX-wiecznych przemian społeczno-politycznych w Europie Zachodniej. Jego rozważania, prowadzone z pozycji umiarkowanie zachowawczych, koncentrowały się wokół poszukiwania stabilizacji ładu wewnętrznego tamtejszych państw. Oznaczało to krytykę skrajnych modeli porządków socjo - politycznych, jakie jego zdaniem przyniosły doświadczenia rządów osobistych monarchów, egalitarnej republiki czy autorytarnych dyktatur wojskowych. W refleksji Lisickiego pożądanym modelem ustrojowym była monarchia konstytucyjna, gwarantująca równowagę społeczeństwa w warunkach ówczesnych XIX-wiecznych przemian ekonomicznych i politycznych.

EN

The article presents the views of the representative of Krakow conservative – Henryk Lisicki on the subject of nineteenth-century socio-political changes in Western Europe. His reflections focused on the search for stability of the internal order of those countries, conducted from a moderately conservative position. This meant criticizing the extreme models of socio-political orders that he believed the experience of personal monarchs, an egalitarian republic or authoritarian military dictatorships had brought. In the context of his reflections, the "should" political model was the constitutional monarchy, ensuring the balance of society (even within a strongly diversified one, under the influence of contemporary economic changes), guarantees of civil rights as well as centers of power: the monarch and the representation of the general public, i.e. parliament.

14

Ficino And Savonarola Two Faces of the Florence Renaissance

72%

Gawrońska-Oramus B.

Roczniki Humanistyczne

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2018

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vol. 66

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issue 4: Historia sztuki - Selected Papers in English

63-86

EN

The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 61 (2013), issue 4. Analysis of the mutual relations between the main intellectual and spiritual authority of the Plato Academy—Marsilio Ficino on the one hand, and Girolamo Savonarola, whose activity was a reaction to the secularization of de Medici times on the other, and a thorough study of their argument that turned into a ruthless struggle, are possible on the basis of selected sources and studies of the subject. The most significant are the following: Savonarola, Prediche e scritti; Guida Spirituale—Vita Christiana; Apologetico: indole e natura dell'arte poetica; De contempt mundi as well as Ficino’s letters and Apologia contra Savonarolam; and also Giovanni Pica della Mirandoli’s De hominis dignitate. The two adversaries’ mutual relations were both surprisingly similar and contradictory. They both came from families of court doctors, which gave them access to broad knowledge of man’s nature that was available to doctors at those times and let them grow up in the circles of sophisticated Renaissance elites. Ficino lived in de Medicis' residences in Florence, and Savonarola in the palace belonging to d’Este family in Ferrara. Ficino eagerly used the benefits of such a situation, whereas Savonarola became an implacable enemy of the oligarchy that limited the citizens’ freedom they had at that time, and a determined supporter of the republic, to whose revival in Florence he contributed a lot. This situated them in opposing political camps. They were similarly educated and had broad intellectual horizons. They left impressive works of literature concerned with the domain of spirituality, philosophy, religion, literature and arts, and their texts contain fewer contradictions than it could be supposed. Being priests, they aimed at defending the Christian religion. Ficino wanted to reconcile the religious doctrine with the world of ancient philosophy and in order to do this he did a formidable work to make a translation of Plato’s works. He wanted to fish souls in the intellectual net of Plato’s philosophy and to convert them. And it is here that they differed from each other. Savonarola’s attitude towards the antiquity was hostile; he struggled for the purity of the Christian doctrine and for the simplicity of its followers’ lives. He called upon people to repent and convert. He first of all noticed an urgent need to deeply reform the Church, which led him to an immediate conflict with Pope Alexander VI Borgia. In accordance with the spirit of the era, he was interested in astrology and prepared accurate horoscopes. Savonarola rejected astrology, and he believed that God, like in the past, sends prophets to the believers. His sermons, which had an immense impact on the listeners, were based on prophetic visions, especially ones concerning the future of Florence, Italy and the Church. His moral authority and his predictions that came true, were one of the reasons why his influence increased so much that after the fall of the House of Medici he could be considered an informal head of the Republic of Florence. It was then that he carried out the strict reforms, whose part were the famous “Bonfires of the Vanities.” Ficino only seemingly passively observed the preacher’s work. Nevertheless, over the years a conflict arose between the two great personalities. It had the character of political struggle. It was accompanied by a rivalry for intellectual and spiritual influence, as well as by a deepening mutual hostility. Ficino expressed it in Apologia contra Savonarolam written soon after Savonarola’s tragic death; the monk was executed according to Alexander VI Borgia’s judgment. The sensible neo-Platonist did not hesitate to thank the Pope for liberating Florence from Savonarola’s influence and he called his opponent a demon and the antichrist deceiving the believers. How deep must the conflict have been since it led Ficino to formulating his thoughts in this way, and how must it have divided Florence's community? The dispute between the leading moralizers of those times must have caused anxiety in their contemporaries. Both the antagonists died within a year, one after the other, and their ideas had impact even long after their deaths, finding their reflection in the next century’s thought and arts.

15

Trzy szesnastowieczne spojrzenia na wolność w perspektywie katolickiej

72%

Bernacki W.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2022

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vol. 13

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issue 45

219-229

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The research objective of this article is to present the different ways in which the sixteenth-century representatives of the Polish intellectual and political elites, who supported republicanism, defined and understood freedom. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem centres around the description of a model of liberty within the framework defined by the legal order. The key issue was to capture the relationship between, on the one hand, the scope of civil liberty and, on the other hand, the way in which state legal norms were defined and created. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After highlighting the importance of freedom as a key category and concept for political thought, the views on freedom and a republic of three sixteenth-century Polish political writers – Stanisław Orzechowski, Wawrzyniec Goślicki, and Piotr Skarga – are discussed. In their political considerations, they paid attention to different aspects, as each of them represented one of the three key “political subjects” ingrained in: democracy (local parliaments called sejmik), aristocracy (senate), and monarchy (king). RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis conducted in the article allows the following conclusion to be formulated: a characteristic feature of Polish political thought in the sixteenth century, which stemmed from the concept of natural law ingrained in Catholicism, was the definition of freedom as human actions fully compatible with both natural and positive law and the conviction that the most appropriate system to guarantee it was a republic. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The main recommendation stemming from the analysis is to present the views of Polish political writers on the same topics from three perspectives: those typical of Protestants, Arians, and supporters of absolute monarchy.

PL

CEL NAUKOWY: Celem naukowym jest przedstawienie sposobu definiowania oraz rozumienia wolności przez przedstawicieli polskich elit intelektualnych i politycznych, orędowników idei republikanizmu – szesnastowiecznych pisarzy politycznych spoglądających na republikę z nieco odmiennych punktów widzenia. PROBLEM i METODY BADAWCZE: Problem badawczy koncentruje się wokół ukazania modelu wolności w ramach określanych przez porządek prawny. Kwestią kluczową dla badanej materii było uchwycenie relacji pomiędzy z jednej strony zakresem wolności obywatelskiej, a sposobem definiowania i zarazem tworzenia norm prawa państwowego z drugiej. PROCES WYWODU: Po podkreśleniu znaczenia wolności jako kategorii i pojęcia dla myśli politycznej, omówione zostały poglądy na wolność oraz republikę trzech polskich pisarzy politycznych XVI wieku: Stanisława Orzechowskiego, Wawrzyńca Goślickiego oraz Piotra Skargi. W swych rozważaniach politycznych odmiennie rozkładali akcenty, bowiem związani byli z trzema kluczowymi „podmiotami politycznymi” właściwymi dla demokracji (sejmiki), arystokracji (senat) i monarchii (król). WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy można przyjąć za prawdziwą następującą tezę: cechą polskiej myśli politycznej XVI wieku – wyrastającej na gruncie klasycznej dla katolicyzmu koncepcji prawa naturalnego – było definiowanie wolności jako działań ludzkich w pełni zgodnych tak z prawem naturalnym, jak i pozytywnym oraz przekonanie, że najwłaściwszym dla jej zagwarantowania jest ustrój republiki (respubliki). WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Za główną rekomendację należy uznać potrzebę prezentacji poglądów polskich pisarzy politycznych na tę samą materię z perspektywy protestanckiej, ariańskiej, ale i tej właściwej dla zwolenników monarchii absolutnej.

16

Политические перспективы конституционного развития форм правления славянских государств в XXI века

72%

Серегин А. В.

Studia Politologiczne

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2014

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vol. 33

162-179

RU

Статья посвящена поиску оптимальной модели организации верховной власти славянских государств в XXI веке. Автор приходит к выводу, что форма правления в современных славянских государствах преимущественно представлена смешанной республикой, тяготеющей к усилению политической роли президента. В России этот процесс фактически привёл к установлению квазимонархической системы верховной власти. Кроме того, среди славянских государств наметилась тенденция к интеграции. В рамках данных процессов модель коллегиальной республики могла бы стать прообразом будущего конфедеративного союза славянских общин, народов и государств.

EN

The article is devoted to the optimal model search of the supreme power organization of the Slavic states in the XXI century. The author comes to the conclusion that the government form in the modern Slavic states mainly is represented in the mixed republic which gravitates towards the intensification of the president’s political role. In Russia this process actually leaded to the establishment of the supreme power pseudo-monarchical system. Besides the tendency to the integration outlined among the Slavic states. Within the framework of the present processes the model of the collegial republic may be to become the prototype of the future confederative union of the Slavic communities, the peoples and states.

17

Republika i monarchia jako podstawowy podział ustrojów w myśli polityczno-prawnej Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry

58%

Tracz-Tryniecki M.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)

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2019

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vol. 66

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issue 1

EN

The article presents the concept of Andrzej Maximilian Fredro’s division of political regimes which is based on the antonym of a republic and a monarchy. The first part is focused on the doctrinal sources of the concept. The influence of Aristotle and Polybius is especially stressed here. In the second part, there is the description of Fredro’s vision of the republic in the historic context of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. A special interest is given to point the main advantages which Fredro finds in this political regime. Another part presents Fredro’s vision of monarchy by pointing differences in relation to its classical concept. The attitude toward freedom is treated as the critical feature that distinguishes republic between monarchy. The next part deals with the position of the king in the mixed form of government by describing Fredro’s model of rector. The final conclusion points that Fredro’s antonym of a republic and a monarchy adjusts the classical model of the division of forms of governments to the experience of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and expresses a strong preference for freedom. Due to Fredro’s defense of republican regime is close to Montesquieu’s explanation of the division of power.

PL

W artykule opisano kluczowy dla myśli Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry podział ustrojowy zbudowany na zasadzie przeciwstawienia republiki i monarchii. W pierwszej części skupiono się na kwestii doktrynalnych źródeł omawianego podziału. Wskazano przede wszystkim na wpływ, jaki na Fredrę wywarły koncepcje Arystotelesa i Polibiusza. W drugiej części omówiono Fredrowską wizję republiki ze wskazaniem jej odniesienia do realiów Rzeczypospolitej. Podano tu również zasadnicze racje, które Fredro przedstawił na rzecz ustroju mieszanego. Następnie zaprezentowano Fredrowską wizję monarchii, wskazując na różnice w stosunku do ujęć klasycznych, jak również ustalono krytyczny punkt odróżniający ją od republiki, którym jest wolność. W kolejnej części poddano analizie sytuację i zadania króla w ustroju republikańskim, którą Fredro określił terminem rector. W konkluzjach wskazano, że Fredrowska konfrontacja republiki z monarchią stanowi dostosowanie klasycznej klasyfikacji ustrojów do doświadczenia siedemnastowiecznej Rzeczypospolitej i zasadniczej preferencji wolności. Dzięki temu Fredrowskie uzasadnienie republiki zbliża się już do Monteskiuszowskiego.

18

Geneza konstrukcji nadzoru nad samorządem terytorialnym w departamencie we Francji

58%

Jeżewski J.

Przegląd Prawa i Administracji

|

2018

|

vol. 114

303-310

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the close relationship between the centralization of the state system and the maintenance of power — based on the research presented in the excellent work of Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the Revolution. Tocqueville skilfully combined two aspects perceived in the discussion about the genesis of supervision over territorial self-government: the aspect of protection of human and civil rights and the aspect of the Revolution, that took over most of the changes that strengthened the centralism with which the monarchy built up the structure of maintaining power. The aim of the considerations discussed here is to recall the relatively rarely mentioned passages of the texts, that justify the decisive assessments with which Tocqueville closed the analysis of the systemic practice of the monarchy in various fields, showing the timeless role of centralization in strengthening absolute power. Among the several described situations, the importance of independent courts in the protection of individual rights should be emphasized. The article is closed with the summary of the phases of systemic transformation of supervision over the department’s self-government in France.

19

U genezy Estado Novo. Przemiany polityczne i ustrojowe Portugalii w pierwszej połowie XX wieku

58%

Skórzyński J.

Dzieje Najnowsze

|

2022

|

vol. 54

|

issue 2

27-47

EN

Between 1910 and 1933, the political system in Portugal changed three times. The monarchy, overthrown by the 5 October 1910 Revolution, gave way to a republic which in 1926 was ended by a military coup that introduced a dictatorship. The political system of the new regime was determined by the 1933 constitution, which established the New State – Estado Novo – designed by António Salazar. At the origin of the authoritarian New State lay the memory of the political chaos and social unrest of the First Republic. The radical Republican faction that ruled it most of the time did not build a stable democratic system and did not provide the country with internal security or economic development.

PL

W ciągu 23 lat XX w. w Portugalii trzy razy zmieniał się system polityczny. Monarchia obalona przez rewolucję 1910 r. ustąpiła miejsca republice, a ta z kolei uległa w 1926 r. wojskowemu zamachowi stanu, który wprowadził dyktaturę. Kształt ustrojowy nowego reżimu określiła konstytucja z 1933 r., ustanawiając Estado Novo według projektu Antónia Salazara. U genezy autorytarnego Nowego Państwa leżała pamięć o politycznym chaosie i niepokojach społecznych I Republiki. Rządzący nią przez większość czasu radykalny odłam republikanów nie zbudował stabilnego systemu demokratycznego, nie zapewnił krajowi bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego ani rozwoju ekonomicznego.

20

Vandalisme révolutionnaire et patrimoine

58%

Thomas J.-F.

Studia Gilsoniana

|

2022

|

vol. 11

|

issue 4

567-593

EN

Prepared by other iconoclasms, French revolutionary vandalism spared nothing and inspired the destruction of successive revolutions throughout the world. The contradiction lies in the fact that, at the same time, the actors of this drama were developing the idea of heritage that is still prevalent in our country today. There was no shortage of decrees and laws, most of which had no effect. Two prominent examples are briefly discussed here: the desecration of the royal basilica of Saint-Denis and the fate of Notre-Dame cathedral in Paris. The powerlessness of a few men who were aware of the tragedy unfolding before them shows how the machine that mercilessly crushed human beings was also particularly effective in erasing the traces and roots of a two-thousand-year-old culture founded on God and the King.

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