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EN
A great deal of aid in defining the role of an adult in a pluralist society may come nowadays from the field of religious education comprised within the catechesis of adults. In its assumptions it emphasizes the fact that the ultimate aim of a man’s activity is not only the physical and material promotion of the person, but giving the Christian testimony as well. It also reminds about the necessity to be engaged in educational activities aiming at creating the attitudes of a devoted service to another man in an ecclesiastical community. The catechesis of adults is a challenge and a binding index in education of adults, which first of all touches the conscience. Faithfulness to it is a test of humanity and its internal truth. At the same time it is an attempt to give a meaning to religious education of adults.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą określenia definicji słów pedagogika oraz andragogika. Pomimo, że oba pojęcia dotyczą zagadnienia nauczania, w artykule ukazano, jak wiele różnic oraz kontrowersji wśród teoretyków budzą oba wyrazy. Autor analizując oba pojęcia zwraca uwagę zarówno na ich znaczenie historyczne a także na ich realne odzwierciedlenie w codziennym zastosowaniu.
EN
This article is an attempt to determine the definition of the words: pedagogy and andragogy. Although the two concepts relate to the issues of education, the article presents a number of differences and controversies raised by theoreticians. By analyzing the index concepts, the author highlights both their historic significance as well as real reflection in daily use.
PL
W artykule nie chodzi o perspektywę indolencji, ale o wykorzystywanie potencjałów dzieciństwa do budowania swojej dorosłości. W tym celu przywołuję poetycką opowieść Mały książę Antoine’a de Saint-Exupéry’ego, która w znakomity sposób prezentuje relacje między dorosłym a dzieckiem, relacje symboliczne między byciem dzieckiem a byciem i stawaniem się dorosłym. Idąc tym tropem, wykorzystanie do analiz Małego księcia jest kluczem do zrozumienia kategorii infantylizacji, oddając tym samym sposób i treść aplikacyjności wartości. Rozważania rozpoczynam od próby zdefiniowania infantylizacji, włączając w ten dyskurs reprezentacje G. Bachelarda, B.R. Barbera a także C.G. Junga. Następnie przywołuję kategorię powieści, traktując ją jako „laboratorium ludzkiej egzystencji” (Jaworska-Witkowska) a tym samym jako wdzięczny materiał analiz, kluczowy dla dyskursu pedagogicznego. W kolejnej części tekstu pojawia się kilka tropów (od)czytań Małego księcia z refleksją pedagogiczną w tle.
EN
The aim of the article is not to discuss the perspective of indolence, but to focus on using childhood potential in building adulthood. For this purpose, the author invokes the philosophical tale The Little Prince by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, which perfectly illustrates the relationship between an adult and a child, a symbolic relationship between being a child and being and becoming an adult. Following this logic, the use of The Little Prince is the key to understand the category of infantilization, thereby reflecting the way and content of value applicability. The author begins her considerations with the attempt to define infantilization, entering the representations by G. Bachelard, R. Barber and C.G. Jung into the discourse. The next step is referring to the category of the novel as “the laboratory of the human soul” (Jaworska-Witkowska), and thus as rewarding material for analysis which is crucial for the pedagogical discourse. The second part of the text includes several ways of interpreting The Little Prince, with pedagogical reflection in the background.
PL
We współczesnym szkolnictwie, w obszarze pierwszego etapu kształcenia, niepoślednią rolę odgrywać powinno przygotowanie do wyzwań przyszłości. W obliczu zmian cywilizacyjnych przed edukacją stoją wyzwania, którym musi ona podołać. Realizacja tego przedsięwzięcia rodzi jednak pewne dylematy weryfikowane przez rzeczywistość. W proces wychowania do mediów zaangażowani powinni być także rodzice.
EN
In the modern schooling system, at the first stage of education pre-paration for challenges of the future should perform the key role. In the face of civilization changes, education faces many new demands it must cope with. However, implementation of this project raises some dilemmas verified by reality. Therefore, parents should be engaged in the process of education in the media.
PL
We współczesnym szkolnictwie, w obszarze pierwszego etapu kształcenia, niepoślednią rolę odgrywać powinno przygotowanie do wyzwań przyszłości. W obliczu zmian cywilizacyjnych przed edukacją stoją wyzwania, którym musi ona podołać. Realizacja tego przedsięwzięcia rodzi jednak pewne dylematy weryfikowane przez rzeczywistość. W proces wychowania do mediów zaangażowani powinni być także rodzice.
EN
In the modern schooling system, at the first stage of education pre-paration for challenges of the future should perform the key role. In the face of civilization changes, education faces many new demands it must cope with. However, implementation of this project raises some dilemmas verified by reality. Therefore, parents should be engaged in the process of education in the media.
EN
The issue of adult education (raising of adults) in andragogical theory and practice has not enjoyed a great attention of andragogical circles in recent years. Despite the lapse of time, the basis for the theory of adult education and above all, empirical research are still lacking. Certain andragogical circles are convinced that adults may not be and should not be raised and educated. Referring to the achievements of andragogy, the author attempted to make an analysis of sources, which demonstrated that uniformity of opinions dominated in this regard and the dispute about adult education as such in fact has not occurred. However, recently, it has started to slowly grow in the related publications, appearing in andragogical journals. The article is an attempt to draw attention to the importance of the problem and the need for discourse on adult education.
PL
Problematyka wychowania dorosłych w teorii i praktyce andragogicznej w ostatnich latach nie cieszy się zbytnim zainteresowaniem środowiska andragogicznego. Mimo upływu czasu wciąż brak podstaw teorii wychowania dorosłych a przede wszystkim badań empirycznych. Część środowiska andragogów jest przekonana, że dorosłych nie można i nie należy wychowywać. Odwołując się do dorobku andragogiki, autor podjął próbę analizy źródeł, która wykazała, że w tej kwestii dominowała jednolitość poglądów i sporu o wychowanie dorosłych jako takiego w istocie nie było. Ostatnio jednak, jak się wydaje, zaczyna on powoli kiełkować w przyczynkarskich publikacjach, ukazujących się na łamach czasopism andragogicznych. Artykuł jest próbą zwrócenia uwagi na rangę problemu i potrzebę podjęcia dyskursu o wychowaniu dorosłych.
EN
The following article attempts to show the specifics of shaping the identity of Deaf people, as well as their entering into adulthood. The situation of Deaf people in Poland is changing, more and more people are taking up university courses, and access to the labour market for this group of people is increasing. They can also count on the support of sign language interpreters. Certainly, these amenities affect the sense of independence and autonomy when comes to the tasks arising from adulthood. However, can we talk about the full implementation of developmental tasks arising from adulthood in the subjective, individual understanding? What role does social and cultural identity play in the entering of Deaf people into adulthood?
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę ukazania specyfiki procesu kształtowania się tożsamości osób Głuchych*, a także wchodzenia w okres dorosłości. Sytuacja osób Głuchych w Polsce ulega zmianie, coraz więcej z nich podejmuje studia, zwiększa się dla tej grupy dostępność do rynku pracy, osoby Głuche mogą liczyć na wsparcie tłumaczy języka migowego. Te udogodnienia wpływają na poczucie niezależności i autonomii w podejmowaniu zadań związanych z okresem dorosłości. Jednak czy w rozumieniu subiektywnym, jednostkowym możemy mówić o pełnym realizowaniu przez te osoby zadań rozwojowych wynikających z okresu dorosłości? Jaką rolę w kontekście wchodzenia w dorosłość odgrywa tożsamość społeczno-kulturowa u osób Głuchych?
EN
In the years 1958-1962 a certain slight increase of adult delinquency (until 1960) and later its slight decline has become apparent. This is affirmed by police statistics (relating to the number of crimes registered and revealed by the police), by the data of the  Public Prosecutor's Office (containing information on reported crimes) and by the data of Law Courts (containing the number of convictions). In the years 1958-1962 the yearly number of convictions amounted to about 300 thous. This constitutes an increase of about 70 per cent as compared with the level of 1951 which however was due partly to an enlargement of the competence of Iaw courts. The frequency of convictions of adults measured by the delinquency coefficient (calculated per thousand of criminally liable persons i.e. persons over 17 years of age) amounted to a level of 17,2 in 1960 i.e. 62 per cent higher than in 1951. In 1962 that frequency was expressed by the coefficient 15.5 which indicated an average of 1 conviction on 65 criminally liable persons. Among the total of persons convicted by the Courts of Law juveniles under 17 years of age formed only a very small group (5-9 per cent), nevertheless, together with the young adults (17-20 years of age) they already constituted about 20 per cent of all the convicted. Persons under 30 (practicalły those aged 10-29) constituted half of the total of juveniles found guilty and convicted adults. Poland, together with Yugoslavia and Hungary, seems to belong to that group of countries where against the background of adult delinquency the juvenile and young adult delinquency does not, according to statistics relating to convictions, present a particularly serious problem.  In a series of countries, persons under 20-21 years of age constituted more than a half of revealed offenders (e.g. England and Wales, Canada) and in some of them even two thirds of the total (Ireland, Norway, Sweden). Delinquency coefficients denoting frequency of convictions indicate that its degree was highest among the young adults (i.e. those aged 17-20) and adults aged 21-24 and 25-29. In 1962 approximately every 41 person in each of these age groups was convicted. A small increase of the frequency of convictions which occurred in 1958-1960 was most strongly reflected by the convicted of precisely those age groups. Its subsequent decline was there the least noticeable. Out of the total of 300 thous. persons convicted in 1962 about 245 thous. were men and about 55 thous. women. The number of convicted women in relation to 100 convicted men was continually diminishing (though not without certain oscillattions): it was 35 in 1951 and only 22 in 1962. Poland together with Yugoslavia and Hungary, also with Belgium, belongs to the countries with a high percentage of women among the convicted adults (about 20 per cent of the total). In most countries it is much lower and does not even reach 10 per cent (e.g. Norway, Finland, Sweden, Canada, France). The frequency of convictions of men was expressed by the coefficient 29.2 in 1960, which indicates a 70 per cent increase as compared with 1951. It was merely 9 per cent lower than in 1937 (the coefficient was then 31.5). In 1962 the delinquency coefficient for men amounted to 27.0. In that year there was on the average one conviction on 36 criminally liable men. The frequency of convictions of women was expressed by the coefficient 5.3 in 1962 which indicates a mere 2 per cent increase as compared with 1951. In the years 1958-1959 that degree of frequency was however much higher. The coefficient has then reached the level of 6.9 and was even higher than in 1937 when it amounted to 6.6. Among the total of men convicted by the law courts the juveniles constituted 6-10 per cent and together with young adults 20-22 per cent in the years 1958-1962. The percentage of women among the convicted bareIy amounted to 2-4 per cent and 12-13 per cent. Half of the convicted men was somewhat under thirty and half of the women under thirty five years of age. Among the convicted men hardly every tenth man was fifty years old or over. Among the convicted women every sixth one was of that age. The relation between the number of convicted men and women differed in particular age groups: in 1962 there were 15 women to 100 convicted men aged 17-20, 17 to 100 aged 25-29 years, 27 to 100 aged 35-39, 32 to 100 aged 45--49 and 48 to 100 aged 60 and over. Frequency of convictions of juveniles and young men reached a very high level in the course of the period under investigation. In the years 1960-1962 one out of every 23 men aged 17-29 was convicted. Delinquency coefficients for men in older age groups (over 30 years of age) were rapidly diminishing; the value of the coefficients for men aged 35-39 equalled two thirds of the value of the coefficienits for the 17-20 age group, about a half for the 45-49, about one third for the 50-59 and about one eighth for the age group of sixty and over. The highest frequency of convictions of women occurred among those aged 21-24. It was higher among women of 40 or even 45 than among those aged 17-20. The decline in the frequency of convictions of women over 50 was relatively twice lower than that of men. In a series of European countries various groups of juvenile and not adult offenders have the highest delinquency coefficient, as for example in England and Wales, Norway and Sweden. In other countries, among which beside Poland and Hungary also German Federal Republic and Switzerland should be counted, the maximum degree of frequency of convictions concerns various age groups of adults in the young groups of age. Analysing frequency of convictions occurring in various areas of the country one can theoretically use two kinds of coefficients: calculated according to the place of crime perpetrated by the convicted person, and according to the place of residenoe of the convicted person. Differences, existing between estimates of frequency of delinquency based on these coefficients present themselves as follows: they are of no particular importance when all-country data are examined, they are of some slight importance in case of particular voivodships, of greater importance when frequency of convictions in town and oountry is being defined and of prirnary importance at estimating that frequency of convictions in town and country in particular voivodships and in most of the 22 largest towns in Poland. Coefficients, based on the data relating to the place of crime, indicated in many voivodships larger differences in the degree of frequency of convictions in town and country than the coefficients based on the data relating to the domicile of the convicted persons. Although the town becomes the place of crime much more often than the countryside, the difference between the "criminality" of the town and village dwellers is rather small.  The extent of differences between estimates of frequency of convictions in town and country in particular voivodships based on both those coefficients proved to be correlated with the extent of daily travels to and from work in these voivodships. Also analogous differences between estimates of frequency of convictions in the 22 largest towns in Poland were connected with extent of daily travels to work. In 1951 the delinquency coefficient for adults in the town (14.7) was 86 per cent higher than in the countryside (8.0). In 1962 the coefficient in the town (18.1) was already only 41 per cent higher than in the countryside (12.8). The general increase of the frequency of convictions which occurred in the last twelve years period was more influenced by its changes in the coutryside than in the town. In the years 1959-1962 one out of 30-32 men and one out of 115-149 women was convicted in town, while one out of 39-44 men and one out of 189-256 women was convicted in the country. In 1960 every twentieth man at the age of 17-20 was convicted in town. The frequency of convictions of 17-20 year olds definiteiy dominated over the frequency of convictions of other groups of adults only in the case of men in towns; as regards men in the countryside that preponderance was slight. In towns the frequency of convictions of women aged 17-20 was somewhat lower than of those aged 21-24 and in the country definitely lower than the frequency of convictions of all older women (even 45-49 years old). In 1960 the delinquency coefficient for men (29.2) was 4.4 times higher than the delinquency coefficient for women (6.6) and the differences in frequency of convicted men and women were smaller in town than in the country. Largest diffenences in the frequency of convictions of men and women were noted among those aged 17-20, convicted for offences committed in the country, and the smallest occurred among the oldest convicted who committed offences on the town. Differences in the frequency of convictions between town and country as well as between men and women, were smaller in western and northern territories than in the remaining areas of the country. Also the delinquency coefficients were higher in western and northern territories than in other areas. A proper analysis of factors determining differences in the frequency of convictions of adults in different areas is particularly complicated. It seems that putting forward and verifying the hypotheses which explain the constantly occurring differences in coefficients calculated for particular voivodships, ought to take place not in connection with an analysis of data relating to all convicted adults jointly but separately for those convicted for certain categories or groups of offences, separately for men and women and separately for different age groups. A relationship has been ascertained in the regional distribution of men and women delinquency, and that in all age groups; it was very strong regarding the relatively younger convicted (viz. higher, medium and lower degree of the frequency of convictions regarding both men and women appeared as a rule in the same voivodships). That relationship was weaker in the older groups. An analysis of the regional repartition of the frequency of convictions of men convicted in different age groups has shown that this repartition was most similar in case of persons belonging to the neighbouring age groups and diminished in those farther apart. As regards persons aged 60 and over this repartition somewhat differed from that encountered in other age groups. The same correlations even more strongly marked, applied also to women. Taking into consideration coefficients for the total of adults, it has been stated that in the years 1951, 1955, 1957 and 1960 a relatively higher degree of frequency of convictions continually appeared in western territories and in the Katowice voivodship (moreover, in Warsaw and Łódź). Also relationships between the regional differentiation of frequency of convictions and migration of the population have been established, their appearance being due both to the last war and its consequences as well as to the industrialization and urbanization of the country. The distribution of frequency of convictions (in particular voivodships) contains statistical tables concerning, among others, the structure of dela statistically significant similarity. Numerous statistical tables concerning questions briefly outlined in the sumrnary are included in the text of the author's work. The annex contains statistical tables concerning among others, the structure of deliquency and recidivism.
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PL
Celem opracowania było ukazanie procesu wychowania do wartości jako kategorii pracy. W niniejszej publikacji przedstawiono kilka ujęć kategorii pracy powiązanej z wychowaniem do wartości. Dorośli i dzieci uczestniczący w procesie całożyciowego uczenia się towarzyszą sobie wzajemnie w odkrywaniu i budowaniu świata wartości. Są to działania mające na celu pełny rozwój osoby. Działania wychowawcze spełniają kryteria definicyjne pracy, w szczególności pracy pedagogicznej. Specjalną sytuacją, w której jest realizowane wychowanie do wartości, jest towarzyszenie pedagogiczne. W sytuacji towarzyszenia dorosły i dziecko uczą się i odkrywają wartości pełniej niż w relacji formalnej. Dorosły w pracy z dziećmi uczy się: spontaniczności, szczerości, sprawiedliwości, konsekwencji, prostoty, umiejętności dostrzegania drobiazgów itp. Dziecko uczy się od dorosłego: pracowitości, samodzielności, precyzji, odpowiedzialności, radości z wykonywanej pracy, samodyscypliny, cierpliwości, posłuszeństwa, uważności w słuchaniu, zaufania, współdziałania, pokonywania trudności
EN
The aim of this study was to show the process of education to values as a category of work. This publication presents several views on the category of work associated with upbringing to values. Adults and children participating in the lifelong learning process accompany each other in discovering and building a world of values. These are actions aimed at the full development of the person. Educational activities meet the definition criteria for work, in particular pedagogical work. A special situation in which the upbringing to values is carried out is a pedagogical accompaniment. In an accompanying situation, an adult and a child learn and discover values more fully than in a formal relationship. Adults working with children learn spontaneity, honesty, justice, consistency, simplicity, ability to see things, etc. The child learns from the adult how to be diligent, independent, precise, responsible, engaged, self-disciplined, patient, obedient, attentive, trusting, cooperative, skillful at overcoming difficulties
PL
Wychowanie dorosłych nie doczekało się dotychczas uporządkowanej i spójnej teorii wspierającej praktykę wychowawczą. Wobec braku odniesień empirycznych dyskurs toczy się wokół koncepcji teoretycznych, bazujących na znanych teoriach wychowania dzieci i młodzieży. Nie wszyscy się z tym zgadzają, stąd pojawiają się postulaty zaniechania wychowania dorosłych i oparcia relacji nauczycieli z dorosłymi na dialogu. Możliwe jest także uznanie wychowania dorosłych jako procesu regulującego dialektyczne związki człowieka ze światem czy dostrzeżenie znaczenia niewidzialnego środowiska wychowawczego dla rozwoju dorosłych. Artykuł jest głosem w tym dyskursie, stanowi próbę zarysowania warunków i sytuacji, które upoważniają do zastanowienia się nad ontologicznymi podstawami i przesłankami do budowy teorii wychowania dorosłych.
EN
Adult education has not yet received an ordered and coherent theory supporting educational practice. Because of the lack of empirical reports, discussion concentrates on theoretical concepts based on popular childhood and early adolescent education theories. Not everyone agrees with them which leads to demands for adult education termination and basing adult-teacher relations on dialogue. It is also possible to recognise adult education as process regulating dialectic relations between man and the world or noticing the meaning of invisible educational environment to development of adults. The article is one of voices taking part in the discussion and aims at outlining conditions and situations that allow reflection on ontological foundations and premises for construction of theory of adult education.
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