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EN
The author assumes that popular culture plays a powerful role in the process of socialization of young generation. The author tries to present that the conventional national symbols are being replaced by pop symbols and thus become the sources of national identity. The concepts of banal nationalism put forward by Michael Billig or Tim Enderson’s idea of everyday life’s practices in the development of national identity are being used. In the text, the phenomenon of James Bond is used to analyze the contemporary debates on British identity (Britishness). The author assumes that James Bond is a great example of Englishness that serves as a complex manifestation of a British hero which may, in turn, play a crucial role in political, civic, and patriotic education.
EN
The formation of the global civil community causes the effacing of division into “the natives” and “the strangers” within the framework of individual states. Integration and unification processes give a new dimension to such notions as: emigration, diaspora and national identity. Emigration is more and more often comprehended as civilization phenomenon. Its positive economic, political and cultural advantages are the focus of attention; the countries that receive emigrants very often reap the economical benefits and the emigrants themselves solve the problems of unemployment in their own countries; migrational movements, on the other hand, help solve political and social problems, make the global integration, and mixing of cultural and civilization norms easier. Emigration itself helps to achieve cultural compromises, get used to mutual dissimilarities and accept differences.
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Populism and National Identity

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EN
Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.
PL
Zagadnienia dotyczące tożsamości narodowej zajmują istotne miejsce w całej twórczości Mariana Marzyńskiego, polskiego filmowca o żydowskich korzeniach od lat tworzącego dokumenty w USA. Jego autobiograficzny film „Anya (In and Out of Focus)” (2004), złożony z nagrań wideo dokumentujących 30 lat z życia jego córki, a także całej rodziny Marzyńskich, opisuje nieustanny proces „negocjowania” własnej tożsamości narodowej przez emigrantów z Polski w ciągu trzech dekad życia w USA. Film Marzyńskiego ogniskuje się wokół dwóch postaci – córki Anyi i samego reżysera. Dla Anyi Marzynski sprawa jej tożsamości narodowej wynika z faktu wzrastania w państwie emigrantów. Dla Mariana Marzyńskiego z kolei kwestia jego własnej tożsamości narodowej jest sprawą bardziej złożoną i wynika z osobistych przeżyć nierozłącznie powiązanych z dramatycznymi wydarzeniami z dziejów XX-wiecznej Polski: Holocaustu, odbudowy kraju po II wojnie światowej, antyżydowskiej nagonki z marca 1968 r., Polskiego Sierpnia ’80, a także życia na emigracji w Danii i USA. Reżyser zestawia w filmie oba losy, ukazując, jak skomplikowana może być odpowiedź na pytania: kim jesteś? jaka jest Twoja narodowość?
EN
Issues concerning national identity occupy an important place in the whole work of Marian Marzyński, a Polish documentary filmmaker of Jewish descent working in the United States for years. His autobiographical “Anya (In and Out of Focus)” (2004), consisting of videos documenting thirty years of the life of his daughter and the whole Marzyński family, describes a continuous process of “negotiating” the national identity by Polish immigrants during three decades of living in the USA. In his film Marzyński focuses on two persons – his daughter Anya and the director himself. For Anya Marzynski the question of her national identity stems from the fact of growing up in a country of immigrants. For Marian Marzyński the question of his personal identity is a more complex matter and stems from his personal experience inextricably linked to the dramatic events in the Polish history of the 20th century: the Holocaust, reconstruction of the country after World War II, anti-Jewish persecution in March 1968, Polish August ‘80, as well as life in exile in Denmark and the USA. The director of the film juxtaposes the two personal histories showing how complicated might be the answers to the questions: who are you? what is your nationality?
EN
The research task of the essay is to answer the question of what is the face of the nation in the ethnic enclaves situated at the peripheries of national states. The subject of the analyses is the local population of the village Jaworzynka. In 1922, the settlement Herczawa was founded as a local unit independent from Jaworzynka. Since then Herczawa began to belong to Czechoslovakia. The state-owned status of Jaworzynka, which started to be a part of the Republic of Poland, was recognized after the World War I. The author takes into account the longue durre of folk and national culture generated in the Silesian Beskidy in the second half of the 18th century. The national culture is the main term applied to the investigations of the borderland regions. According to the ethno-symbolic approaches (Anthony D. Smith) and culturalism methods in sociology (Antonina Kłoskowska), the author analyses in his research: 1) language, 2) religion, 3) folkways and mores 4) arts, 5) local knowledge and literature. These elements delineate the sphere of symbolic culture. Based on the common folk culture, two national cultures have been formed nowadays – the Polish and Czech ones. Both Polish and Czech Census Bureau data and objective elements of national culture discussed in the essay indicate the process of national revival. The local people of Jaworzynka identify themselves as Poles and the population of Herczawa define themselves as Czechs. The content and the form of the local culture are visible in Jaworzyna, but they seem to be latent or diminishing in Herczawa.
PL
Branding Greenland as a form of expression of national identity?In the times of globalisation there is a tendency for countries to differentiate from others. More and more governments decide to launch professional nation branding campaigns in order to communicate to a broad public what a particular country has to offer as well as what values and images it wants to be associated with. Greenland is an example of a country that after a long period of colonisation and establishing self-government, in 2009 began to redefine its identity and reveal it to the world. A branding campaign has been implemented to communicate a newly defined image of Greenland. This campaign has been carried out using mainly social media and the tools that the Internet has to offer. The aim of this paper is to explore the concept of nation branding and to define the relation between nation branding and national identity. The purpose is also to analyse what images of Greenland as a brand are presented by “Pioneering nation” campaign. Branding Grenlandii formą ekspresji tożsamości narodowej?W czasach globalizacji poszczególne państwa starają się wyróżnić na tle innych państw. Coraz więcej rządów decyduje się na przeprowadzenie profesjonalnych kampanii brandingowych, po to by podkreślić swoją wyjątkowość oraz to, że mają dużo do zaoferowania. Grenlandia to przykład państwa, które po długim okresie skolonizowania i po uzyskaniu autonomii w 2009 roku, zaczęło na nowo definiować swoją tożsamość i komunikować ją światu. W tym celu wdrożona została kampania, która wykorzystywała głównie media społecznościowe oraz inne narzędzia, które zapewnia internet. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie zależności między brandingiem narodowym a tożsamością narodową, jak też analiza obrazu Grenlandii jako marki konstruowanej w kampanii „Pioneering nation”.
PL
A standard belief as regards the conservation of architectural monuments in the 19thcentury is that the very idea of conservation was commonly accepted, while the monuments of the past were used to promote national identity. On the other hand, photography is also commonly considered a technology that was naturally predisposed to popularize those monuments and/or appropriate them as symbols. For those reasons, the photogrammetric documentation of some buildings from the region of Poznań, made by Albrecht Meydenbauer commissioned to do it by the Prussian government, could be classified as combination of conservation and nationalism, “typical” of the late 19thcentury. However, the author proposes another interpretation and claims that such events were not necessarily “realizations” of “widespread” ideas of identity building. Referring to the generative model of identity building developed by Friedrik Barth, she analyzes how specific situations and meanings were gradually generated through the interaction of actors who attempted to reach their goals and values by available means. The introduction and popularization of Meydenbauer’s invention is presented in the paper with reference to Bruno Latour’s research on the development and implementation of innovations in science. In such a context, photogrammetry turns out to have been a result of seeking support by business, i.e. the mobilization of resources, while the national discourse was used for that purpose as one of the available means.
EN
Theis article presents the views and opinions expressed in two London periodicals published in the 1950s and 1960s by Polish students living in exile, namely Życie Akademickie and Kontynenty, focusing on the problem of preservation  of “Polishness” among Polish emigrants of the younger generation. In the first part of the text, the views presented, include those of the members of the older generation of emigrants and refugees (e.g. Czesław Miłosz or Witold Gombrowicz), giving advice to the young, as well as of the young themselves (e.g. Wiktor Poznański or Wojciech Gniatczyński). The second part of the article refers to the notion of patriotism and the problem of national vices, which were also subject to a discussion which went on in the émigré press. The aim of the article is to illustrate the discrepancies between the attitudes of two – or even three – generations of Polish emigrants, concerning the issue of Polish national identity.
EN
Branding Greenland as a form of expression of national identity?In the times of globalisation there is a tendency for countries to differentiate from others. More and more governments decide to launch professional nation branding campaigns in order to communicate to a broad public what a particular country has to offer as well as what values and images it wants to be associated with. Greenland is an example of a country that after a long period of colonisation and establishing self-government, in 2009 began to redefine its identity and reveal it to the world. A branding campaign has been implemented to communicate a newly defined image of Greenland. This campaign has been carried out using mainly social media and the tools that the Internet has to offer. The aim of this paper is to explore the concept of nation branding and to define the relation between nation branding and national identity. The purpose is also to analyse what images of Greenland as a brand are presented by “Pioneering nation” campaign. Branding Grenlandii formą ekspresji tożsamości narodowej?W czasach globalizacji poszczególne państwa starają się wyróżnić na tle innych państw. Coraz więcej rządów decyduje się na przeprowadzenie profesjonalnych kampanii brandingowych, po to by podkreślić swoją wyjątkowość oraz to, że mają dużo do zaoferowania. Grenlandia to przykład państwa, które po długim okresie skolonizowania i po uzyskaniu autonomii w 2009 roku, zaczęło na nowo definiować swoją tożsamość i komunikować ją światu. W tym celu wdrożona została kampania, która wykorzystywała głównie media społecznościowe oraz inne narzędzia, które zapewnia internet. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie zależności między brandingiem narodowym a tożsamością narodową, jak też analiza obrazu Grenlandii jako marki konstruowanej w kampanii „Pioneering nation”.
EN
The article is focused on the constructing of national identity by the authorities of the Republic of Tajikistan by using such elements located in the public space of Tajik cities as monuments or billboards. Referring to certain values and historic symbols, they serve to build a specific vision of the Tajik nation and its history. For example, one of the key characters of national narration is the Iranian ruler Isma’il Samani (9th/10th century), today promoted as the “father” of the Tajik nation. Of course, some of these concepts appeared as early as the Soviet era or directly after the collapse of the USSR, but now they are of specific nature, connected with the social and political situation of the country. Using Manuel Castells’ terms, the analysed national identity may be referred to as legitimising – serving to consolidate the current power and domination.
PL
The article focuses on the issue of the relationship between emerging Czech national identity and male social leadership in the 19th century. The article deals with the question of male social representation related to prestige that Czech literary discourse tried to elaborate. The article concerns the attitude towards hegemonic masculinity linked to Austrian structures of power and of Germanic culture. This issue has been explored on the example of prose created by male authors originating in the period of increased national agitation which lasted from approximately the 1830s to the end of the 1870s. Focusing on reconstructions of collective normative imaginations based on literary texts is, however, insufficient. There is agreement, but also the difference between imaginatinggs, and their implementation. Therefore, literary patterns related to the social position of the Czech male patriot were confronted with the image of their “reality” preserved in Czech memoirs of the 19th century.
EN
In the article describe a short history of mutual relations Poles and Turks, their national identity and elements of cultural assimilation in the foreign environment related to their social and economic lives. Particular emphasis is put on presenting the stereotype of a Turk in the perception of the Poles and the feedback, namely the cultural characteristics of the Poles in the opinion of the Turks.
EN
Unlike other general principles of EU law, which derive from the CJ jurisprudence, the principle of national identity is based on a clear legal provision. Article 4(2) TEU stipulates that the Union shall respect important State functions, like the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. The list of values covered by the national principle identity is open and it is for the Member State to decide what values should be protected by its national identity, while the CJ is only empowered to determine the relevance of national identity under EU law. This article analyses if the principle of national identity could influence the EC examination of State aid and if the EC should refrain from issuing an order to recover incompatible aid, if that aid was to be protected by the Member State’s national identity. There has not yet been a single judgment by the CJ on that issue and the question stays open. The analysis also focuses on the division of competences between Member States and EU institutions in carrying out that analysis, as well as on the requirements for that analysis, including the scope of an examination carried out by EU institutions.
FR
Contrairement aux autres principes généraux du droit de l’Union européenne, qui découlent de la jurisprudence de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, le principe de l'identité nationale est basé sur une disposition légale claire. L’article 4(2) du Traité sur l’Union européenne prévoit que l'Union doit respecter les fonctions essentielles de l'État, comme l'intégrité territoriale de l'État, le maintien de l'ordre public et la sauvegarde de la sécurité nationale. La liste des valeurs couvertes par le principe de l'identité nationale est ouverte et c’est aux États membres de décider quelles valeurs doivent être protégées par son identité nationale, tandis que la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne est uniquement compétente à déterminer la pertinence de l'identité nationale en vertu du droit de l’Union européenne. Cet article analyse si le principe de l'identité nationale pourrait influencer l’examen d’aide d'État par la Commission européenne et si la Commission européenne devrait s'abstenir d’ordonner la récupération de l’aide incompatible, et à la fin si cette aide devait être protégée par l'identité nationale de l'État membre. Vu que jusqu’au présent il n’y avait pas un seul jugement de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne concernant ce problème, la question reste ouverte. L'analyse entrepris dans cet article se focalise également sur la répartition des compétences entre les États membres et les institutions de l’Union européenne dans le traitement de ce problème, ainsi que sur les exigences pour l’analyse entrepris par l’autorité compétente, y compris sur la portée d'un examen effectué par les institutions de l’Union européenne.
EN
The article presents the results of a research on Polish national identity among people applying for the Polish National Card in Minsk, Belarus. The research project covered 125 persons who between March and the end of July 2013 had completed a course preparing them for an interview with the Consul of the Republic of Poland in order to obtain the Polish National Card. The research was to evaluate the traditional, ethnic criteria of the national bond, which largely overlap with the criteria required to be met by applicants for the Pole’s Card according to the Act on Pole’s Card of 7 September 2007. The results of the research suggest poor internalisation of the criteria of traditional national identity among the respondents.
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Rasa czarna a tożsamość kubańska

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EN
Many historians point to an important role of race in the shaping of the Cuban identity and culture. Taking as a starting point the view that national identity is dynamic and negotiable, i.e. influenced by the elite’s ‘national project’ and negotiated from below, the article focuses on the role of Afro-Cubans in the formation of Cuban identity until 1959, especially on the period 1898-1940. This article looks at the concept of lo cubano as understood by the Cuban elites as well as the way in which Afro-Cubans actively negotiated their place in the Cubansociety.
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Performing «Polishness»

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EN
This article is a review of Dariusz Kosiński’s Performing Poland: Rethinking Histories and Theatres (Aberystwyth 2019). The author points out that the book is an attempt at introducing several centuries of Polish theatre and performance to an international reader. It is divided into five sections which overlap chronologically, altogether creating a comprehensive presentation of Polish theatre. These sections are: theatre of festivities, theatre of fundamental questions, national theatre, political theatre, and theatre of the cultural metropolis. The author, however, draws attention to a problematic issue in Kosiński’s approach. Throughout the book he emphasizes the role of theatre and performance in asserting Polish national identity while ignoring the complex, multi-faceted character of any national identity.
EN
The article focuses on three public holidays celebrated in the Czech Republic (28 September , 28 October, 17 November ), and shows the relationships between the Catholic confessional identity and memory and the Czech national identity and memory.
EN
This article presents the main goals and the programme of ‘The Society of the Second Republic of Poland: An attempt at a new synthetic approach’, a research project pursued in the Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw. A conference discussing the ways in which national and ethnic factors informed the interwar Polish society, held most recently (in 2012) as part of the project, is discussed in some detail. The article introduces the papers first delivered at the conference and now published in the present issue of Acta Poloniae Historica.
EN
The debate on European cultural policy has only just begun. What is intended to be the object is unknown. Topics taken during the European Culture Congress have the general nature and are only an introduction to critical reflection on what today is the European culture. Even if the answer seems obvious that these cultures o f the Member States, we still do not know whether it will be called. “High culture”, remaining in the elite circle of interest, or so. “Pop culture”? Perhaps the answer is indirect, and refers to the culture that we do not know from the media, the internet, billboards and banner ads, but rather that which we know through membership in a particular social group, religious community, and most of all family.
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What future for Belarus? An analysis of identity issues

93%
EN
The present article discusses various types of Belarusian collective identity and analyses their potential to make Belarus an empowered, fully independent, democratic and economically efficient society, nation and state with a stable position on the political map of Europe. The study is based mainly on sociological surveys collected by IISEPS, an independent Belarusian research institute. These data reveal weak points of Belarusian national identity (including a low level of historical awareness), a residue of the Soviet system of values and attitudes, as well as a considerable degree of Russification of the society. Although Belarusians have become used to having their own state (which, however, they treat mainly in terms of a nationwide welfare institution), they have retained a strong sense of local and regional identity. Social attitudes, both on an individual and community level, are clearly dominated by economic rather than ideological motivation. Eastern, pro-Russian orientation is far more widespread than pro-European attitudes, especially when more than only verbal support is involved. The text also points out symptoms of consolidating Belarusian collective identity, even if its post-Soviet/West Russian pattern still prevails over pro-European and pro-national orientation of the occidental type. Belarusian society is specific, which makes it difficult to analyze in terms of standard categories. The article demonstrates why identity issues limit the potential for any rapid significant political change in Belarusian society.
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